美国国务卿希拉里-克林顿为纪念尼克松访华40周年发表讲话(全文)
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【老何评论】一篇精彩的演讲，可作外交家教材。中国不论左派或右派都写不出这种水准的演讲稿。尽管门户洞开40年了，中国人 真正了解世界（比如包括外交界至今对全球梅森组织仍处于基本茫昧无知）。要达到在战略与谋略上能与对手竞争的水平事实上还很遥远。所以中国外交还总是被人牵着鼻子玩，而且，无论是当表示顺从还是当表示反抗。我们始终处在一个荒谬幽默哭笑不得悲喜剧交织的状态。
美国国务院发言人办公室2012年3月7日
国务卿希拉里-克林顿∶
谢谢。非常感谢大家。谢谢。我很荣幸能在这里和你们一起纪念尼克松总统非凡的中国之行40周年。
我想感谢美国和平研究所的每一位人士，尤其是理查德·所罗门（Richard Solomon)，他当年担任政策规划主任（Policy Planning Director）和主管东亚事务的助理国务卿（Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia），对中国了如指掌。特别令人高兴的是，理查德，这是我第一次来到这座漂亮的建诛。塔拉（Tara)，我要感谢你，如果参议院批准的话，我们都非常期待塔拉到国务院来加入我们的行列。因此，非常感谢你。
我还要特别提到尼克松-考克斯（Nixon-Cox）家族的所有成员。还有特里希亚（Tricia），谢谢你，因为你绝对正确；对于那些没有经历过作为第一家庭成员的非同寻常的荣耀和挑战的人，很难清楚地解释这层密切的关系。但我非常感谢你和你妹妹所做的努力，真正地为你们的父母带来了崇高的荣誉。这不仅是你父亲中国之行的纪念日，而且这也属于你母亲，我认为这值得我们纪念。
我要感谢在座的罗恩·沃克（Ron Walker)和理查德·尼克松基金会（Richard Nixon Foundation）的所有人员，以及在座的各位国会议员和各位大使，包括中国驻美国大使张业遂。非常感谢各位的光临。
1972年那个不平凡的一周所发生的事情得到了研究、分析和讨论，被搬上了舞台和屏幕，甚至被编入歌曲传唱。然而，我们仍可以讲述很多有关那次北京之行及其开启的这种关系的情况——以及我们作为40年前这一努力的最大受益者如何培育这种关系，使之迎接挑战并抓住这个时代的机遇。
首先，我想对为尼克松总统的这次访问以及后来美中关系发展进程中的一个个里程碑做出贡献的所有人士表示敬意。而且我知道，在那些日子里，你们有幸听到早年那些战略大师的话，其中包括∶亨利·基辛格（Henry Kissinger)，他1971年与周恩来有过第一次握手，并仍在以雄辩的演说和文字畅谈今天的中国；兹比格·布热津斯基（Zbig Brzezinski)，他曾在卡特政府任内负责处理关系正常化事务；布伦特·斯考克罗夫特（Brent Scowcroft)，我看到他理所应当地坐在前排，他很有策略地应对了天安门广场抗议期间的动荡阶段；温斯顿·洛德（Winston Lord)，他在尼克松举行会谈时是一位年轻的记录员，后来成为我们的驻华大使。
我也向在幕后工作的外交人员和文职人员致敬。作为国务卿，我在这方面学到了很多。我们这些站在最前沿的人，之所以能站在最前沿是因为已完成的各项工作为我们打好了基础。具体到那次访问，我要提到芮效俭（Stape Roy)，这个著名的“传教士之子”，后来担任了大使；杰夫·贝德（Jeff Bader)，他1981年去过中国，并在随后的30年中成为我们对华政策的守护者；傅立民（Chas Freeman)，他在尼克松总统与毛泽东会谈时担任翻译，后来成为我们驻北京使团的副团长。
还有那些已经辞世的人，包括理查德·霍尔布鲁克（Richard Holbrooke)，他在成为主管东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿时是有史以来担任此职的最年轻的一位；李洁明（Jim Lilley)，他在1989年以及那以后种种富有挑战性的事件中出色地履行了我国驻中国大使的职责。
此外还有曾与尼克松总统同行并在他访问期间从各个角度进行报道的新闻记者，其中包括特德·科佩尔（Ted Koppel)，我看到他也在座。多亏了他们，我国各地的人们才能跟上尼克松总统的每一步行程。
1972年，我还是一名法学院学生。我是一个学法律的穷学生。我买不起电视机。但我不想错过创造历史的事件，所以我就租了一台——那种竖着“兔子耳朵”的便携式电视机。我把它搬回我的公寓，每天晚上收看电视，看到一个我有生以来一度被隔 在视线以外的国家的一幕幕景象。和许多美国人一样，我目不转睛地观看，为我们藉由我们的总统所取得的成就而感到自豪。
尼克松总统称之为“改变了世界的一周”（the week that changed the world）。但其实这句话仍嫌过轻。
当时，中华人民共和国极为孤立。贫困现象随处可见。文化大革命将几乎所有的外国人以及外国公司、外国书籍甚至外国思想拒之门外。当尼克松总统的车队在北京行进时，美国代表团注意到这座城市安静得令人发毛。当时到处都有人群，但几乎无声无息。
然而在短短几十年内，中国已成为全世界第二大经济体。亿丌中国人民已摆脱贫困并参与全球经济。北京、上海及其他城市已变成喧闹的、快节奏的、全天候的商业和文化中心。2008年奥运会和2010年世博会都是非常成功的展示会。而且中国，作为一个正在崛起的地缘政治大国，在几乎每一张会议桌前都有一席之地，在全世界几乎每一个重要的机腹中都发挥着作用。
因此，毫无疑问的是，今天的中国与1972年的中国完全不同。这种转变首先归功于中国人民及其领导人的艰苦努力和坚定意志，但也得到对他们的进步给于支持和襄助的全世界人民的鼓励，同时还可直接追溯到40年前的那一个星期。
“空军一号”（Air Force One）在北京降落之前，中国完全处于国际秩序之外。那次访问是中国参与的开端。从那以后，中国努力走出当时的孤立处境，以更合作的态度同其他国家交往。这些努力已给中国人民带来巨大的惠益。现在，完成这个进程对于中国巩固其新获得的地位并推进已取得的杰出成就至关重要。
中国能否这样做，将产生深远影响，不仅关系到中国，而且关系到美国及整个世界。因为40年来，不仅中国改变了面貌，美中关系也焕然一新。
1972年，连接我们两国的只有一个狭窄的官方渠道——一名政府官员同另一名官员对话。今天，连接我们两国的种种关系腹成的网络是巨大和多种多样的，涉及我们两国社会的方方面面。我们两国的经济密切相连。我们两国的安全也是如此。我们都面临着核扩散、盗版和气候变化等共同威胁，而且都需要对方的合作来解决这些问题。我们也面临着共同的机遇，机遇为决定我们两国关系发挥的作用远远大于威胁。因此，我们拥有这样的机会，如果我们抓住它，就能共同努力促进繁荣、推动创新并改善我们两国人民及全世界人民的生活。
我所说的“我们”不仅包括我们两国政府，尽管政府是非常重要的。每一天，在我们两国的各个地方，管理人员和企业家、科学家和学者、艺术家和运动员、学生和教师、家庭成员以及各行各业的公民都在打造、推动并丰富双方的关系。这一切汇集起来就反映了范围极其广泛的各种重点议题、关注和观点。而且他们都与我们如何建设一个共同的未来利害攸关。发挥他们的才干、创意和能量将使美中关系更加深入、更加持久，远远超出两国政府单凭自己的力量所能做到的。
就像我1972年租用的那台电视机。那时只有为数不多的几个频道可供我们选择。事实上，我隐约记得，当时我们有3个电视频道，我想那时候我们可能已经有了公共电视台，但我不能肯定。如今，电视频道多达900多个，而且还在增加。中国和我们之间的各种渠道也在以 人的速度增长。
但随之而来的也会有种种挑战，因为这种关系对许多人而言影响如此重大、如此切身。它的确会与我们国内政治有关联，是的，在两个国家都是如此。你们知道，美国和中国都搞政治。现在人民发表意见的方式是在过去的年月不存在或不可能的。这个政治层面给双方都带来了复杂因素，也使我们确保我们的伙伴关系取得成效变得更重要。
所有这些给我们合成了一种与过去不同的关系。我们两国从几乎无任何关系可言、彼此几乎毫不相干，变成完全地、无法避免地相互依赖。对于两个拥有悠久的独立传统和各自深厚的文化与历史根基的国家来说，这种情形至少可以说非同寻常，需要太平洋两岸都对思维和行为方式作出调整。因此，我们应该如何就不仅我们两国所面临的新挑战，而且可说是历史上前所未有的挑战，作出反应呢？
1972年时，美中关系课题从许多方面来说，是深植于冷战环境中的一个典型的20世纪外交行动，注重于建立正式关系，为和平交往奠定基础，并建立起基本的相互理解。而2012年的美中关系课题已完全不同。确实，它在世界国家历史上前所未有。美国在力求与一个正在崛起的大国共同努力，力促其发展成对全球安全、稳定和繁荣作出积极贡献的国家，同时也维持和巩固美国在日益变化中的世界的领导地位。而且，我们在这样做的过程中努力避免陷入不健康的竞争、对抗或冲突；避免以牺牲他方利益进而损害相互关系作为成功的代价；并且做到不疏于履行我们对于国际社会的责任。我们在共同树立典范，力争在合作和竞争之间达到一种稳定和彼此都能接受的平衡。这是没有先例的做法。我们必须将它处理好，因为此举攸关重大。
经过三年的密集接触以及其中的成功与挫折，我们对仍然存在的障碍已一目了然。可以理解，仍然存在着我们必须回答的问题和我们必须处理的误解。例如，在美国和世界其他地方，有些人提出——或许今天有人提出过——中国的崛起是坏消息，认为随着中国更加繁荣和在国际上有更大的发言权，我们的关系将自然转向对抗，或者，美国将因此而无可避免地走向衰退。与此同时，在中国也有些人担忧，美国决意要遏阻他们的崛起、限制他们的进步，以牺牲他们的利益为代价来推进我们的利益。
对于对方的意图仍然存在着猜忌和不信任，尤其是在军事领域。正如基辛格博士（Dr. Kissinger）最近在《外交事务》（Foreign Affairs）杂志中所述，“双方必须懂得，由于一些微妙的因素，某些显然是传统的、合理的做法也有可能在双方之间引起极深的忧虑。”我们必须通过逐渐形成一个建立信任的框架，以直接和富于建设性的方式解决这个问题。这就意味着要回归两国关系的首要原则∶在支持正在崛起的中国与增进美国利益之间并无本质矛盾。一个蒸蒸日上的中国对美国有利，一个蒸蒸日上的美国对中国有利。
正因为如此，我们在1972年帮助中国摆脱孤立，正因为如此，我们60多年来为该地区的和平与安全给予保障，为中国卓越的经济发展创造了条件；我们支持把中国纳入世界贸易组织（WTO）等国际性组织；我们把20国集团（G-20）提升为国际交往论坛，部分原因就是因为中国在其中所发挥的关键作用；在哥本哈根（Copenhagen）及其后续气候会议中，我们把与中国合作作为一个重点；在一个又一个问题上，我们不仅欢迎而且大力支持中国的参与，我们还呼吁它发挥领导作用。
因此，对于那些怀疑“美国是否试图遏制中国？”的人们，我们给予明确的否定回答。事实上，我们为中国自身发展到今天铺平了道路。我们是一个欢迎他国成功的国家，因为我们相信，当任何地方的人都能够通过自己的努力改善他们的生活时，这对所有人都有益。如果中国的崛起意味着我们将有一个越来越有能力和参与的合作伙伴，那对我们是好消息。我们将抓住一切机会进行接触交往，因为我们的国家不是一个要自己坐享领先地位的国家。我们是一个对我们的地位和我们能够通过竞争取得成功有自信的国家。
美国所做的外交、经济和战略选择反映了这一根本的信念。当然，说一个兴旺发达的中国有益于美国，或者反之亦然，并不意味着丌事大吉，因为如我们大家所知，各国寻求发展有不同的方式。对于中国，对于任何国家，成功必须以负责任的方式去实现；即不是由他人承担代价，而是以有助于地区和全球利益的方式去实现。
正是在这个方面中国要做出选择。中国的力量、财富和影响将它迅速推到了国际秩序中的一个新行列。中国的语言和行动会在全球各地引起反响；哪怕是仅仅改变自身，中国也会对它周边的环境产生影响。同时，中国仍然在建设经济的宏伟大业，把发展带给千百丌更多的中国人。我的中国同行经常充满激情地谈起他们的国家还有很长的道路要走。因此，中国面临着在发展的需要和它作为一个新兴全球大国所承担的责任之间取得平衡的复杂任务。或如我的中国朋友有时所说的那样，中国是一个重新崛起的全球大国，当然，这是因为中国是一个有着几百年、几千年巨大影响的国家和文化。
我向我的同行指出，中国的回应有时是力求两者兼得,我把这种做法称为有选择的利益相关者。在某些论坛中，在某些议题上，中国希望被当作一个大国来对待；而在另一些方面，则希望被当作一个发展中国家。这完全可以理解，因为中国具有这两者的性质。但是，世界期待中国发挥一种与其新地位相称的作用。这意味着它不能够继续做一个有选择的利益相关者。
我很清楚有关中国和其他新兴大国的崛起的讨论，讨论通常这样开始并往往以同样方式结束，人们只是说∶“伴随强大的影响力而来的是重大的责任”——我想，如果我没记错的话，这句话来自电影《蜘蛛侠》（Spiderman）（笑声）——然后就此作罢。但是，我们必须督促自己，把这句话化作每一天的实际行动。
简单地说，全球政治的逻辑中即包含了影响力与责任之间的联系。随着国家变得日益强大，国际体系是否成功对其产生的影响也就自然增大，因为如果这个体系失败，它们的损失会更大。同时，世界对它们的期待也自然会更高，因为它们可以为加强这个体系做出更大贡献。但是，比这更重要的是，国际社会希望能够确信，一个国家日益增强的力量将被用来造福所有的人，这不难理解。鉴于崛起中的国家对安全和稳定带来的历史性挑战，它们因此有着特殊的义务以具体实在的方式表明，它们将选择具有建设意义的道路。这对于像中国这样一个取得令人瞩目的迅速增长的国家来说尤其如此。
由于新兴国家有着如此巨大和日益增长的影响，如果允许它们基于其短期利益有选择地利用基于规则的国际体系，最终将导致这个体系无法运行，从而使大家共同陷入贫困。话虽如此，这一国际体系并不是静态的。为一个较早的历史时期制定的规则和机制不一定 用于今天。因此，我们必须共同努力，修改和更新这些规则和机制。的确，我们已经开始这项工作。在贸易和气候等问题上，制定新的规范和机制的努力已经在进行之中。我们无意对这个体系中已变得不相干、或者不 于应对我们时代的挑战、或只对一些国家有利而对另一些国家不利的部分抱住不放。这会成为国家撇开合作自寻门路的诱因，对它们或对我们都毫无裨益。
但是，我们知道有行之有效的原则。我们不可将它们放弃，如维护开放、自由、透明和公平的经济秩序；以有节制和透明的方式增进安全，从而避免发生误解和不必要的冲突；以及保护人权和基本自由，这些的确代表放之四海的价值和全人类所固有的尊严。中国已经在一些区域和全球问题上展现了更强的领导作用，如打击盗版活动和支持全球经济复苏。中国也对联合国在全球的维和使命作出重要贡献，我们欢迎这些步骤。但是，我们确实认为中国必须进一步充分担当起它在世界上的新角色，让世界相信，中国将不仅在今天，也不仅是在某些问题上，而是将长期地发挥积极作用，促进安全、稳定与繁荣。
因此，全世界现在正注视着中国，并提出这样一些问题∶中国是否会调整它的外交政策，为解决地区和全球问题发挥更大的作用，进而使其他国家也获得成功？中国是否会运用它的力量帮助结束像叙利亚等一些地方的对平民的残酷暴力？中国是否会对它的军备发展以及它的军事战略、方针和项目有所解释，从而消除不安，使邻邦放心，避免误解，并帮助维持地区安全？中国是否会遵守几十年来使国与国之间得以进行和平贸易的国际海事法律和惯例？中国是否会更积极地为确立网络空间的国际标准而努力，从而使人人能够上网，使在中国和其他地方的人都能得到因特网带来的经济和社会效益？中国是否会利用自己的经济地位加强基于规则的全球贸易和投资体系，从而在推进中国自身经济发展的同时，为全球发展作出贡献？
作为经济伙伴，我们有可能做到让我们两国有更多人就业、经商、投资、创新和致富。我们能否做到这些，取决于我们如何处理彼此之间的一些分歧。中国有中国希望的东西，包括在美国得到更多的投资机会。我们也有我们希望的东西，包括取消对美国公司的歧视并保护它们的知识产权；取消给予国内公司的不公平优惠；让美国的商品、产品和服务有更多机会，以及结束在我们看来是不公平、扭曲性的货币措施。
我们希望同中国有更多的贸易和投资交往，因为我们相信加强经济活动和健康的竞争是有益的。但是，竞争要健康，就必须公平、基于规则和透明。因此，我们将继续与中国一道努力，敦促中国实行改革，相应地，我们也将听取中国希望我们作出的改变并采取行动。
最后，我们的确要问，中国能够履行它的职责，保护普遍的人权和基本自由吗？这是一个我们长期存在深刻分歧的领域。即使我们两国变得更加相互依赖，美国无疑仍将坚持我们的原则和普遍 用的人权标准。我们相信，发展会给各地渴望自由表达的人民带来机会，无论是通过因特网，在公共广场，还是在万房车间。所以，我们确实相信，同所有地方的人一样，中国人民有自己正当的渴求。我们确实相信，人人都应受到独立的司法体制的保护，不遭受专断行为的侵害。我们也确实相信，不仅在中国，而且在所有地方，不同的宗教、语言和不同的文化都应受到尊重。实行支持这些目标的改革将使人民与自己国家的成功更加息息相关，从而带来社会的更大稳定、繁荣与和平。
现在，这一类问题是我们与中方有关人员随时面对的问题。我个人对过去三年来我们之间进行的开放、坦诚的对话感到非常庆幸。我们对中国在40年里取得的成就深怀敬意，并希望今后继续取得这样的成就。
我认为，过去三年来我们与中国的主动接触延续了两党一致的传统，这一传统获得自从尼克松以来历届总统的支持。我们就每一个重大事项进行磋商；两国政府没有一天不在相互联系。本届政府启动了双方的战略与经济对话（Strategic and Economic Dialogue）和战略安全对话（Strategic Security Dialogue），我们就几乎你们可以想象的所有问题进行了深入的讨论，包括贸易政策、反恐怖主义、人权、边界安全等等。双方高层领导人多次互访，两国元首会晤十余次。今年晚些时候，在五月，我将再次访问中国，这将是我就任国务卿以来对中国的第六次访问。
在做出所有这些努力的同时，我们也在广泛加强与整个亚太地区的关系。我们加强了我们与我们的条约盟国日本、韩国、泰国和菲律宾的关系。我们扩大了与其他新兴国家的关系，包括印度、印度尼西亚、越南和新加坡。我们加强了与台湾的非官方关系。我们同缅甸恢复了接触。我们对地区多边机腹投入资源，包括东亚峰会（East Asia Summit）和东盟（ASEAN）。我们增加了经济交往，更新了我们的地区军事态势，加强了我们推动法治和普遍人权的工作。概言之，我们夜以继日地工作，尽一切努力捍卫和增进整个亚太地区的安全与繁荣。与中国发展积极、合作和全面的关系对上述每一项目标都至关重要。
因此，我们对这一伙伴关系是有承诺的。现在，我们和世界上其他方面正在期待中国发挥更大的领导作用。中美两国不能解决世界上的所有问题，但是我认为，没有中国和美国，任何全球性问题可能都得不到解决。我们希望中国成为一个全面的利益相关者，积极承担它作为一个重要的全球行为者的角色，努力加强中国自身的成功和我们的成功不可或缺的国际体系。在此期间，我们将继续寻求利用每一个机会与中国接触，不仅是在政府层面。我们将继续公开探讨我们的分歧，尽我们所能开发更多合作渠道。总之，我们将继续今天在座的许多人于40年前开启的旅程。
1972年，当尼克松总统在北京走下飞机和周恩来握手时，中国总理说∶“你的手伸过世界最辽阔的海洋来和我握手——25年没有交往了呵！”几天之后，尼克松总统向他的东道主敬酒时说∶“长城令我们想到，在几乎一代人的时间里中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国之间有一堵墙。在过去四天里，我们开始了拆除这堵墙的漫长过程。”双方都承担着风险，但他们决定接触是值得的。他们知道，如果这次高峰会晤进展顺利，我们两国之间的对话将继续进行，并可走向合作，最终双方都将从中受益。
这正是后来发生的情况。至于在这次访问之前中国和美国存在分歧的每一件事情，访问之后分歧依然存在。但是，我们开启了一场对话，帮助我们缩小了分歧，拓宽了我们之间存在共识的领域。于是，我们有了今天的关系，并且这一关系的重要性和广泛性不亚于世界上任何这类关系。
我们目前正在寻找一个答案，一个新答案，以便回答一个古老的问题∶当一个地位确立的强国和一个新兴强国相遇时会有何结果？我们需要一个新答案。我们没有选择。互相依赖意味着一国的成功取决于另一国的成功。我们要谱写一个与过去全然不同的未来。从理论上来说，这一任务无比艰巨。但是，我们曾经完成了许多艰巨的任务。
我曾希望我在参观上海世博会美国馆时，40年前的那些领导人当时都能在场和我一起参观。我们的中国朋友把我称之为“美国馆之母”，我感到非常自豪。对我来说，印象最深刻的是我们邀请了学中文的美国年轻人担任我们美国馆的解说和接待工作。在这个幅员广袤、地大物博的国家，来自四面八方的中国人看到欢迎他们的拉美裔年轻人、美国非洲裔、美国亚裔、白种人 我们在美国的所有族裔 用中文跟他们讲话感到 喜。人们相互提问题，说笑话、进行交谈，介绍自己来自何处，气氛融洽令人难忘，体现了对40年前勇敢迈出的这一步的强烈支持，对我来说是前所未见的。但它也提醒我们，不论作为国务卿、总统，还是总理或外交部长，我们做这项工作是因为我们都必须努力为这些年轻人改善未来。为了让他们将来获得机会，我们愿为他们服务。
当年尼克松总统在北京下机时，我们两国相隔多厶遥远，自那时以来我们又共同取得了多厶大的成就。请让我们记住这些并从中获得启迪。这一段历史以无可辩驳的事实证明，人们如果共同努力克服分歧并找出共同点，不仅为自己，而且也为他人的利益，就有可能取得进展。现在需要我们尽力保证我们的未来甚至要比过去更有希望。非常谢谢大家。（掌声）。
Thank you. Thank you all very much. Thank you. I am so honored to be here to join you in celebrating the 40th anniversary of President Nixon’s extraordinary trip to China.
And I want to thank everyone at the U.S. Institute of Peace, especially Richard Solomon, who knows China well from his days as Policy Planning Director and Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia. And it’s a special delight, Richard, to be visiting this beautiful building for the first time. And Tara, I want to thank you and if the Senate so agrees, we are very much looking forward to Tara joining us at the State Department. So thank you so very much.
I also particularly want to recognize all the members of the Nixon-Cox families. And Tricia, thank you, because you’re absolutely right; there is a bond that is hard to describe to those who have not lived through the incredible honor and challenge of being part of a first family. But I have such great appreciation for what you and your sister have done that has really bestowed great honor on your parents. And this is not only the anniversary of your father’s trip to China but also of your mother’s, and I think that is worth reminding us.
I want to thank Ron Walker and everyone with the Richard Nixon Foundation, the members of Congress, ambassadors who have joined us, including the Chinese ambassador to the United States, Ambassador Zhang. Thank you so much for being here.
The events of that remarkable week in 1972 have been studied, analyzed, debated, reenacted on stage and screen, even commemorated in song. And yet, there is still more to be said about that journey to Beijing and the relationship it set into motion—and how we, who are the great beneficiaries of that work 40 years ago, are cultivating the relationship so it meets the challenges and seizes the opportunities of this time.
And I want to begin by saluting all who contributed to President Nixon’s journey, to all the subsequent milestones in the U.S.-China relationship. And I know that during the day you have been fortunate in hearing from some of the master architects of those early years, including Henry Kissinger, who extended that first handshake to Zhou Enlai in 1971 and continues to speak and write eloquently about China today; Zbig Brzezinski, who oversaw the normalization of relations during the Carter Administration; Brent Scowcroft, who I see there appropriately in the front row, who skillfully managed the tumultuous period during the Tiananmen Square protests; Win Lord, the young note taker at the Nixon meetings who later became our ambassador to China.
I also salute the Foreign Service officers and civil servants who worked behind the scenes. I’ve learned a lot about that as Secretary of State. Those of us who are out front are only out front because of all the work that has been done to lay the groundwork. And for that trip in particular, I want to recognize Stape Roy, one of the renowned “missionary kids” who later served as ambassador; Jeff Bader, who went to China in 1981 and became a caretaker of our China policy for the next three decades; Chas Freeman, the interpreter for President Nixon’s talks with Mao who later became our deputy chief of mission in Beijing.
There are those who aren’t with us—including Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who was the youngest ever Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs; Jim Lilley, who expertly served as our ambassador to China during the challenging events of 1989 and after.
And the journalists who traveled with President Nixon and covered every angle of his time there, including Ted Koppel, who I see in the audience. Thanks to them, people across our country were able to follow President Nixon at every step.
Now, I was a law student in 1972. I was a poor law student. I did not own a television set. But I was not about to miss history being made, so I rented one ˉ a portable model with those rabbit ears. I lugged it back to my apartment and tuned in every night to watch scenes of a country that had been blocked from view for my entire life. Like many Americans, I was riveted and proud of what we were accomplishing through our president.
President Nixon called it “the week that changed the world.” Well, if anything, that turned out to be an understatement.
Then, the People’s Republic of China was profoundly isolated. Poverty was pervasive. The Cultural Revolution had banished nearly all foreigners, as well as foreign businesses, foreign books, even foreign ideas. When President Nixon’s motorcade drove through Beijing, the American delegation noted how eerily silent the city was. Now there were people everywhere, but there was hardly a sound.
Yet within a few short decades, China has become the second largest economy in the world. Hundreds of millions of Chinese have been lifted out of poverty and have joined the global economy. Beijing, Shanghai and other cities have turned into noisy, fast-paced, 24-hour centers of commerce and culture. The 2008 Olympics and the 2010 Expo were very successful coming out parties. And China, a rising geopolitical power, has a seat at virtually every table and a role in virtually every institution of importance in the world.
So there is no doubt that the China of today is a very different country from the China of 1972. Now that transformation is due, first and foremost, to the hard work and determination of the Chinese people and their leaders. It was encouraged, however, by people around the world who supported and invested in their progress. And it can also be traced back in a straight line to that week 40 years ago.
Before Air Force One was wheels down in Beijing, China was firmly on the outside of the international order. That visit was the start of China coming in. And since then, China has worked to move beyond its isolation of that time to engage more cooperatively with other nations, and those efforts have delivered great benefits to the Chinese people. And now, completing that journey is essential if China is to cement its newfound standing and build upon the extraordinary gains it has made.
Whether it does has profound implications, not only for China, but for the United States and the world. Because it’s not just China that’s been transformed during the past 40 years; the U.S.-China relationship has as well.
In 1972, our countries were connected only through a narrow official channel ˉ one member of government talking to another. Today, the web of connections linking our nations is vast and complex, and reaches into just about every aspect of our societies. Our economies are tightly entwined. And so is our security. We face shared threats like nuclear proliferation, piracy, and climate change, and we need each other to solve these problems. The opportunities before us are also shared, and they define our relationship much more than the threats. So therefore, we have the chance, if we seize it, to work together to advance prosperity, pursue innovation, and improve the lives of our people and others worldwide.
Now when I say “we,” I do not mean only our governments, as important as they are. Every day, across both of our countries, executives and entrepreneurs, scientists and scholars, artists and athletes, students and teachers, family members and citizens of all kinds shape and pull and add to this relationship. Together, they represent a vast range of priorities, concerns, and points of view. And they are all stakeholders in how we build toward a shared future. Engaging their talents, ideas and energies makes the U.S.-China relationship far deeper and more durable than anything our governments could do on our own.
It’s like that television I rented in 1972. Back then, we had just a few channels to choose from. In fact, as I vaguely remember, we had three broadcast channels and I guess by that time, we might have had public broadcasting, although I’m not quite sure. Today, there are something like 900 channels and more to come. The channels between China and us have multiplied at an astronomical rate.
But there are challenges that come with a relationship this consequential and this personal to so many. It does get bound up in our domestic politics, yes, in both countries. The United States and China both have politics, you know. People’s voices are heard in ways they weren’t or couldn’t have been heard in years past. This political dimension presents complications for both sides, which makes it that much more important that we ensure our partnership delivers results.
All this adds up to a very different kind of relationship than the one we had. We’ve gone from being two nations with hardly any ties to speak of, little bearing on each other, to being thoroughly, inescapably interdependent. For two nations with long traditions of independence, deeply rooted in our cultures and our histories, these are unusual circumstances to say the least. They require adjustments in our thinking and our actions, on both sides of the Pacific. And so, how do we respond to what is not just a new challenge to our two countries, but I would argue, an unprecedented challenge in history?
Back in 1972, the U.S.-China project was, in many ways, a signature 20th century diplomatic endeavor embedded in the context of the Cold War, focused on establishing official ties and laying the groundwork for peaceful engagement, and building a basic understanding of each other. Well, the U.S.-China project of 2012 is something altogether different; indeed, it is unprecedented in the history of nations. The United States is attempting to work with a rising power to foster its rise as an active contributor to global security, stability and prosperity while also sustaining and securing American leadership in a changing world. And we are trying to do this without entering into unhealthy competition, rivalry, or conflict; without scoring points at each other’s expense and thereby souring the relationship; and without falling short on our responsibilities to the international community. We are, together, building a model in which we strike a stable and mutually acceptable balance between cooperation and competition. This is uncharted territory. And we have to get it right, because so much depends on it.
After three years of intensive engagement, and the successes and frustrations that have come with it, we are clear-eyed about the obstacles that still remain. There are, understandably so, difficult questions that we must answer, and misconceptions we must address. For example, here in the United States and elsewhere in the world, there are those who make the case ˉ maybe it was made today ˉ that a rising China signals bad news, that as China grows more prosperous and wields greater international power, our relationship will automatically turn adversarial, or the United States will inevitably experience decline as a result. Now meanwhile, some in China fear that the United States is determined to contain their rise and limit their progress to advance our interests at their expense.
And there still remains suspicion and mistrust of the other’s intentions, particularly in the military realm. As Dr. Kissinger recently wrote in Foreign Affairs, “Both sides must understand the nuances by which apparently traditional and apparently reasonable courses can evoke the deepest worries in each other.” We must address this head-on and constructively by creating a framework for building trust over time. That means returning to first principles of the relationship: There is no intrinsic contradiction between supporting a rising China and advancing America’s interests. A thriving China is good for America, and a thriving America is good for China.
That’s why we helped break China’s isolation in 1972, and it’s why, for more than 60 years, we have underwritten regional peace and security that helped make room for China’s extraordinary economic progress; we have championed China’s inclusion in international fora like the WTO; we have elevated the G-20 as a forum for international engagement, in part because China plays a key role in it; at Copenhagen and subsequent climate summits, we made cooperation with China a priority; on issue after issue, we have not only welcomed, we have advocated for China’s participation and we have called for its leadership.
So to those who ask, “Is the United States attempting to contain China?” Our answer is a clear no. In fact, the United States helped pave the way for China to be where it is today in its own development. We are a country that welcomes others’ success, because we believe that it’s good for everyone when people anywhere are able to work their way to better lives. If China’s rise means that we have an increasingly capable and engaged partner, that’s good news for us. And we will seize every chance to engage, because we’re not a country that sits on our lead. We’re a country with confidence in our own standing and in our ability to compete and succeed.
The choices that America has made diplomatically, economically, and strategically reflect that fundamental belief. But of course, to say that a thriving China is good for America, and vice versa, is not the end of the story, because as we all know, there are different ways for countries to get ahead. And for China, for everyone, success must be achieved responsibly; that is not at the expense of others, but in a way that contributes to the regional and global good.
And this is where China has its own choices to make. Its power, wealth, and influence have pushed it rapidly to a new echelon in the international order. What China says and does reverberates around the globe, and simply by changing itself, China affects the world around it. At the same time, it is still working on its great economic mission, bringing development to millions more of the Chinese people. My Chinese counterparts often talk to me in passionate terms about how far their country still has to go. So China is faced with the complicated task of balancing the demands of development with its responsibilities as an emerging global power, or as my Chinese friends sometimes say, a reemerging global power, because of course China has hundreds, thousands of years of history as an influential nation and culture.
And I’ve pointed out to my counterparts China’s response at times has been to seek to have it at both ways, acting like what I call a selective stakeholder. In some forums, on some issues, China wants to be treated as a great power; in others, as a developing nation. That’s perfectly understandable, because China has attributes of both. Nonetheless, the world is looking for China to play a role that is commensurate with its new standing. And that means it can no longer be a selective stakeholder.
Now, I’m well aware that debates about the rise of China and other emerging powers, and they usually start and too often stop with people simply saying, “With great power comes great responsibility” ˉ I think that is a quote from the movie Spiderman, if I remember ˉ (laughter) ˉ and just leaving it at that. Well, it is worth pushing ourselves further on what this really means in action on a pragmatic, day-to-day basis.
Well, for starters, the link between power and responsibility is built into the logic of global politics. As countries become more powerful, their stake in the success of the international system naturally rises, because they have more to lose when that system fails. At the same time, the world’s expectations of them naturally rise as well, because they have more to contribute to strengthen the system. But more than this, it is understandable that the international community wants some confidence that a country’s growing power will be used for the benefit of all. And given the historic challenges to security and stability posed by rising powers, they do have a special obligation to demonstrate in concrete ways that they are going to pursue a constructive path. This is particularly true for a country that has grown as rapidly and as dramatically as China has.
Ultimately, because emerging powers have such a large and growing impact, allowing them to selectively pick and choose elements of the rules-based international system that may on a short-term basis suit their interests would render the system unworkable. And that would end up impoverishing everyone. Having said that, the international system is not static. Rules and institutions designed for an earlier age may not be suited to today. So we need to work together to adapt and update them. Indeed, we have already begun that work. On issues like trade and climate, efforts to develop new norms and mechanisms are well underway. We have no interest in holding onto elements of the system that have become irrelevant, or unsuited to the challenges of our time, or that work only to benefit some countries and not others. That would give countries incentives to walk away from cooperation and go it alone, which would not serve them or us.
But there are principles that we know work. And we cannot afford to abandon them, like maintaining an economic order that is open, free, transparent, and fair; pursuing security in a manner that is measured and transparent to avoid misunderstandings and unnecessary conflicts; and promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, which do reflect universal values and the inherent dignity of all humankind. China has already shown increased leadership on some regional and global issues, like countering piracy and sustaining the global economic recovery. It has also contributed substantially to UN peacekeeping missions worldwide, and we applaud these steps. But we do believe China will have to go further to fully embrace its new role in the world to give the world confidence that it is going to, not just today or on one set of issues, but for the long run, play a positive role that will enhance security, stability, and prosperity.
So the world is looking to China and asking questions like these: Will China adapt its foreign policy so it contributes more to solving regional and global problems to make it possible for others to succeed as well? Will it use its power to help end brutal violence against civilians in places like Syria? Will it explain its military buildup and the ultimate goals of its military strategies, policies, and programs to relieve unease, to reassure its neighbors, to avoid misunderstandings, and to contribute to maintaining regional security? Will it uphold international maritime laws and norms, which for decades have made it possible for nations to engage in peaceful trade? Will it work more vigorously to establish international standards in cyberspace, so the internet works for everyone and so people in China and elsewhere can harness its economic and social benefits? And will it use its economic standing to enforce a rules-based system for global trade and investment so it can advance its own economic development while contributing to global growth?
As economic partners, we can make it possible for more people in both countries to work, trade, invest, create, and prosper. Whether we do or not depends on how we deal with some of our differences. China has things it wants, including more opportunities to invest in the United States, and we have things we want, including an end to discrimination against U.S. companies and protection for their intellectual property; an end to unfair preferences for domestic firms; and more opportunities for American goods, products and services; and of course, an end to what we see as unfair, distorting currency practices.
We want to engage in more trade and investment with China, because we believe in the benefits that come with greater economic activity and healthy competition. But for it to be healthy, it has to be fair, rules-based and transparent. So we will continue to work with China to urge it to make reforms, and we, in turn, will hear and act on those changes it wants from us.
Finally, we do ask, can China meet its obligations to protect universal human rights and fundamental freedoms? Now, this is an area in which we have had long and profound disagreements. And even as our two countries become more interdependent, the United States will, of course, continue to stand by our principles and universal standards of human rights. And we believe that with development comes an opportunity for the aspirations of people everywhere to express themselves freely, whether on the Internet, or in a public square, or on the factory floor. And so like people everywhere, we do believe that the Chinese people have their own legitimate aspirations, and we do believe that everyone should have a legal system that is independent and will protect them from arbitrary action. And we do believe, not just in China but everywhere, in religious and linguistic differences, cultural differences being respected. Reforms that support these goals give people a greater stake in the success of their nations, which in turn makes societies more stable, prosperous and peaceful.
Now, questions like these are the kind that we kick around all the time with our Chinese counterparts. And I personally am very grateful for the open, candid dialogues that we have been holding for the last three years. We have the greatest respect for what China has accomplished in 40 years, and we want to see those accomplishments continue to build into the future.
I think that our outreach to China during the past three years has been a continuation of a bipartisan tradition that every president since President Nixon has upheld. We consult on every single issue of significance; not a day goes by when our governments are not in touch. In this Administration, we’ve launched our Strategic and Economic Dialogue and a Strategic Security Dialogue, and we’ve had intensive discussions on just about every issue you can imagine, from trade policy to counterterrorism to human rights to border security. Each of our countries has hosted multiple high-level visits from the other. Our presidents have met in person more than 10 times. And later this year, in May, I’ll make my sixth trip to China as Secretary of State.
All of this effort has taken place within a larger regional push to strengthen our ties throughout the Asia Pacific. We’ve enhanced our relationships with our treaty allies Japan, Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines. We’ve broadened our relationships with other emerging powers, including India, Indonesia, Vietnam and Singapore. We’ve strengthened our unofficial relationship with Taiwan. We’ve reengaged with Burma. We’ve invested in regional multilateral institutions, including the East Asia Summit and ASEAN. We’ve increased our economic engagement, updated our regional military posture and amplified our advocacy for the rule of law and universal human rights. In short, we are working around the clock to do everything we can to defend and advance security and prosperity throughout the Asia Pacific. And having that positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship with China is vital to every one of those objectives.
So we are committed to this partnership. And now, we and others around the world are looking for even greater leadership from China. China and the United States cannot solve all the problems of the world together. But without China and the United States, I doubt that any of our global problems can be solved. We want China to be a full stakeholder, embracing its role as a major global player, to helping strengthen the international system that makes its own and our success possible. All the while, we will continue to seek every opportunity for engagement with China, but not just at the government-to-government level. We will keep discussing our differences openly, developing as many avenues for cooperation as we possibly can. In short, we will continue the journey begun by many in this room 40 years ago.
In 1972, when President Nixon disembarked in Beijing and shook Zhou Enlai’s hand, the premier said, “Your handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world, 25 years of no communication.” A few days later, President Nixon toasted his hosts and said, “The Great Wall is a reminder that for almost a generation there has been a wall between the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America. In these past four days we have begun the long process of removing that wall.” Both sides were taking a risk. But they decided that engagement was worth it. They knew that if the summit went smoothly, the conversation between our two countries would continue, and that would lead to cooperation, and that in time we both would benefit from it.
That is precisely what has happened. Nearly everything that China and the United States disagreed about before that trip, we disagreed about after the trip. But we began a conversation that has helped us mitigate our differences and broaden those areas on which we agree. And the result is the relationship we have today, as consequential and multifaceted as any in the world.
We are now trying to find an answer, a new answer to the ancient question of what happens when an established power and a rising power meet. We need a new answer. We don’t have a choice. Interdependence means that one of us cannot succeed unless the other does as well. We need to write a future that looks entirely different from the past. This is, by definition, incredibly difficult. But we have done difficult things before.
I wish that all of the leaders from 40 years ago could have been with me when I visited the U.S.A. Pavilion at the Shanghai Expo. I’m very proud to be called the mother of the U.S.A. Pavilion by our Chinese friends. And what was most striking to me is that we had invited young Americans who were studying Chinese to be the guides and the hosts at our pavilion. And many of the Chinese people who had come from around that vast and magnificent country were stunned to be greeted by Hispanic children, African American, Asian American, Caucasian, every kind of person that we have in the United States speaking to them in their language. And the incredible connections that were being made as people were asking questions, telling jokes, recounting where they had come from was as strong an endorsement of the courageous step taken 40 years ago as any that I personally have seen. But it also was a reminder that we do the work we do as secretaries of state or as presidents or premiers or foreign ministers ˉ we do that work because we all have to be committed to making a better future for those young people, that we are the stewards of their future in terms of the kind of opportunities that they will enjoy.
So let us remember and take inspiration from how far apart our countries were when President Nixon landed in Beijing and how much we have accomplished together since then. It is irrefutable proof of the progress that is possible when people work together to overcome their differences and find common ground not only for their own good, but for others’. It is now up to us to make sure that the future is even more promising than the past. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
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