"Editors with conflicts of interest find it challenging to achieve impartiality; editors without conflicts of interest pose the question: why are they here?
Mr. Ross Terrill, a disciple of the 'Father of Sinology,' Mr. John King Fairbank, and a former student of Dr. Henry Kissinger, the former U.S. Secretary of State, is the author of the book 'Mao: A Life.' In this book, Mr. Terrill discusses Mao Zedong as a leader for China and the world.
Mao: A Biography: Revised and Expanded Edition 1st Edition
Intro: "Everyone who came in close contact with Mao was taken aback at the anarchy of his personal ways. He ate idiosyncratically. He became increasingly sexually promiscuous as he aged. He would stay up much of the night, sleep during much of the day, and at times he would postpone sleep, remaining awake for thirty-six hours or more, until tension and exhaustion overcame him.
Yet many people who met Mao came away deeply impressed by his intellectual reach, originality, style of power-within-simplicity, kindness toward low-level staff members, and the aura of respect that surrounded him at the top of Chinese politics. It would seem difficult to reconcile these two disparate views of Mao. But in a fundamental sense there was no brick wall between Mao the person and Mao the leader. This biography attempts to provide a comprehensive account of this powerful and polarizing historical figure."
Ross Terrill (born 1938 in Melbourne) is an Australian-born American political scientist and historian. He specializes in the history of China, especially the history of the People's Republic of China. He has made several public appearances in order to testify in front of the United States Congress, and he has also written numerous articles and nine books. For many years, he has been a research associate at Harvard's Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, and recently, he was a visiting professor at the University of Texas at Austin as well as a visiting professor at Monash University in Australia.[1]
Early life[edit]
Ross Terrill was born in Melbourne, Australia in 1938 to Miriel (Lloyd) Terrill and Frank Gregston.[2] Terrill attended Wesley College in Melbourne, where he became Dux in 1956.[2] In 1962 Terrill attended the University of Melbourne where he completed his Honours in history and political science.[3] In 1965, shortly after completing his honours degree, Terrill immigrated to the United States of America, of which he officially became a citizen in 1979.[4] During his time in the United States, Terrill attended Harvard University where he completed his PhD in Political Science in 1970 and studied with Stanley Hoffmann, Benjamin I. Schwartz, and John King Fairbank. [5][3] Terrill was celebrated for his academic excellence whilst at Harvard University, earning the Sumner Prize for his thesis in 1970.[1]
Before his career within academia began, Terrill served in the Australian Army from 1957-1958.[3]
In addition to his articles published in various magazines throughout his career, Terrill has published many books on politics, Chinese political leaders and Australian life. Some of his works include The Australians, Madam Mao, The New Chinese Empire and Where is China Going?. [1] These works prove to be popular among the East Asian countries, with over 1.5 million copies of Terrill's Mao (translated in Chinese) sold in China.[3] Terrill also spent some of his life in the public eye through his appearances on The Today Show four times, CBS News as a commentator, and ABC's Nightline.[3]
Throughout his early life, Terrill travelled regularly to East Asia, specifically China, where he immersed himself in the culture and developed a fascination for Chinese history and Chinese politics.[3] In a recounting of his first trip to Beijing, Terrill describes the difficulties for an Australian to travel to China on a visa in the 1960s.
In his writings, he highlights how few Westerners had set foot in the People’s Republic of China, with Australians requiring permission from the Government to visit.[6] Terrill also mentions that upon his arrival in the Beijing airport, he was met with a guide from the China International Travel Service, so as to ensure he could appropriately experience New China.[6] In Terrill's 'An Australian Gets to Beijing, 1964’, his early fascination with the Chinese government and Mao Zedong in particular become clear in which he depicts his exploration of China including their buildings, hotels, government and religion.[6] His work also aids in describing the cultural differences between the Western and Eastern civilisation in their food preferences.[6] Since his first trip to Beijing in 1964, Terrill has re-visited China more than twenty times.[7] In his memoir, Terrill states that this exploration of China “.... had launched me on a path that might hold my feet for many years”,[6] thus beginning his career as a historian of China.
Career[edit]
Inspired by his travels around Asia, Ross Terrill has devoted his time to understanding Chinese history, focusing his career on providing an insight into the Chinese government and political affiliations. Between 1962 and 1963, Terrill began his career as a tutor in political science at the University of Melbourne, Australia.[3] In 1962 and 1964–65, Terrill’s career took a religious turn when he began working with the Australian Student Christian Movement where he remained until 1968. During his time with this group, he became a teaching fellow in political science at Harvard.
*********** Excerpted from his book:
Mao Zedong is an extraordinarily charismatic political figure of the 20th century who ushered in a new beginning for China. Without Mao, China would still have witnessed a potent communist movement. Mao was by no means the pivotal figure at the inception of this movement. Whether he existed or not, upheavals and injustice would have made communism appealing. Of course, without Mao assuming leadership in the 1930s, the Chinese Communist Party could not have seized power in 1949. A communist movement without Mao would have been considerably diminished, losing its distinctive features compared to communist movements in other countries.
What made him successfully wield party and state power and achieve his greatest accomplishments? It was his unique fiery passion. Without this, no one could have ignited his era as China's last dynasty declined. He was confident and believed that his army would ultimately triumph. It was not just a thirst for power that gave him unwavering determination; this mountain-moving characteristic, understood by God as Mao played this role, was closely linked to the social characteristics of the time. Mao was born in turbulent times, where people yearned for a powerful hand to save them. In that intensely turbulent era, resolute individuals like Mao, determined to break with tradition, were everywhere, unprecedented.
It was also a dazzling era, a carnival stage prepared for a hundred performances, with acts awaiting approval from the public to take the stage at any time. Communists, Nationalists, warlords, bandits, religious followers, foreign adventurers, and characters labeled with other names, all spun together in a crowded dance. Alliances, fleeting and transient, born and dead new action plans, in such a situation, a revolutionary with unwavering will had a rare opportunity to compete with the world and transform society. Mao's secret was his deep understanding of the necessity of violence. Indeed, he relished it. While other leaders within the party remained in Shanghai, Mao picked up a gun and went to the countryside, leading the way.
Mao once referred to himself as a centrist leaning left. This was his approach, often flexibly using a 'united front' to isolate the main enemy. His hatred for the right determined his occasional leap to the left, but extreme leftism was not his spiritual fascination. He often spoke of walking on two legs. This innate balance, somewhat like the dualism of Yin and Yang revered by ancient Chinese, played a significant role during Mao's peak period. He was well-read, astute, and came from the Chinese mainland. These factors were equally important. In the fervor of the revolution, he could calmly and wisely harness the passion of the masses. Mao was excited by some excesses, yet he could also analyze his experiences with detachment.
Finally, one cannot overlook the characteristics of Chinese civilization, which has a long history. Could Congo produce a figure like Mao Zedong? What about New Zealand? We cannot explain Mao Zedong's character solely from his individual psychological traits. Old China produced a determined, rebellious, and extraordinary figure like Mao Zedong, just as Mao Zedong built a new China that was logical and true to his character. In Chinese and world history, Mao Zedong holds a significant position. He led a revolution that destroyed old China, and in comparison to the rapid social changes in other major countries, he pushed China into a more intense reform movement. He restored independence to the world's oldest and largest country, earning a position.
In the most remarkable and populous society in the world in the 20th century, Mao Zedong himself was a giant. In the entire recorded history of China's three thousand years, one could arguably not find a figure like Mao Zedong. However, this person, raised in a rural environment, paid little attention to matters outside China. His two visits to the Soviet Union were his only foreign experiences. When he was 43, he met Edgar Snow, establishing a lasting relationship with a foreigner for the first time in his life. He never mastered a foreign language. For most of his life, Mao confined his vision and enthusiasm to China. Other countries could only interest him within such limits, or if they interfered with China, or if they possessed thoughts and experiences China could learn from.
Mao Zedong's greatness lies in his indomitable spirit, injecting itself irresistibly into world consciousness. In many countries, the endearing title 'Chairman Mao,' aiding cross-cultural communication, has become a universally recognized phrase. In the 1960s, the quantity and variety of translations of Mao's Quotations surpassed even the Bible. Even Confucius, with his teachings, never spread to as many countries. Genghis Khan rose to fame in Europe, but he had no doctrine. Mao Zedong is 'the first Chinese to talk about our immediate interests to the world in simple and straightforward language.'
In many third-world countries in the 1950s and 1960s, Mao Zedong was the primary embodiment of anti-colonial struggle, more charismatic than Sukarno, Nehru, and Nasser. He knew that implementing new policies in a backward nation required not only cursing the West but also a comprehensive reliance on self-reliant transformation. In the West, there is an unfamiliarity with influential political figures from the East in the third-world. A Chinese standing on the world historical stage beckons to us: that is the novelty of Mao Zedong. Although he was the son of the earth, a native-born Chinese, he completed his life journey as one of the political giants of this century. I believe that, considering the global impact he had, only Roosevelt, Lenin, or perhaps Churchill can be compared to him.
For a quarter of a century, under Mao Zedong's leadership, China underwent social changes that will continue into the future, lasting until this mythical figure fades away due to the relentless passage of time. Mao's government brought more social equality to New China than old China, primarily manifested in the principle of 'reward according to work... identity, or ownership of land and capital no longer mattered.' Therefore, the distribution of products in China became one of the world's most egalitarian methods, with very few living in abject poverty and dying penniless. And the fundamental means of progress, healthcare, and primary education, were no longer affordable only to a few.
Under Mao Zedong's leadership, China took a significant step towards social modernization... the most effective form of modernization. Before his death, Mao Zedong could confidently claim that China had taken several steps towards prosperity. For various reasons, China's economic development, though not as advanced as Japan's, surpassed India's. In summary, Mao Zedong left China to a large extent self-sufficient and the world's sixth-largest economy.
Mao Zedong and his friends were driven by personal beliefs, which were simultaneously social beliefs. They viewed their lives merely as fuel for the fire of revolution, which would simultaneously change China and their own destinies. Mao did not look at economic development from the perspective of personal welfare but from the standpoint of the state regime. Once, Mao advised his audience: 'Do not always think that only you can do it, and others can do nothing, as if the world would stop turning without you, and the party would cease to exist. If the butcher Zhang dies, will people stop eating pork? Is there a big loss when certain people die? Haven't Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin all died? The revolution must continue.'
Mao ruled in an era that required a superhuman. Tomorrow's modern citizens will hail Mao Zedong as the great unifier of China. They will often look back, evaluating Mao ethically, much like people in different eras evaluate Confucius. The slogan 'Hold High the Great Banner of Mao Zedong Thought' rests peacefully with Mao Zedong in his crystal coffin. The banner will fly higher until no one can discern what is written on the faded deep red flag. However, this banner itself will be needed by Mao's successors to understand him. For many ordinary Chinese, 'Chairman Mao' is the primary symbol of the People's Republic of China. Afterwards, anyone wanting to control this vast country will have to use this symbol. The real Mao Zedong has already merged into the body of China. Regardless of how the historical stage changes, he will forever be one of the greatest figures in history. Regardless of the changing scenes of history, he will always be with China and the world!"
Corresponding translation of the above:
"有利益冲突的编辑很难做到公正；没有利益冲突的编辑又是为何来？ 哈佛大学东亚研究中心的罗斯·特里尔 （Ross Terrill）先生，是美国的“汉学之父”费正清先生的弟子，也曾受教于美国前国务卿基辛格博士。他就是《毛泽东传》这本书的作者。 特里尔先生在《毛泽东传》中关于“毛泽东是中国与世界的领袖”的论述： 毛泽东是二十世纪魅力超群的政治家，他使中国有了一个新的开端。没有毛泽东，中国也同样会产生强有力的共产主义运动。毛泽东绝不是这一运动发端的关键性人物。无论他存在与否，骚乱和非正义都会使共产主义运动极具魅力。当然，如果毛泽东不在三十年代成其为领袖，那么中国共产党在1949年就不可能掌权。一场没有毛泽东的共产主义运动肯定会逊色不少，它将失去其应有的、区别于其他各国共产主义运动的特色。
是什么使他成功地掌握了党政权力，取得了最伟大的成就呢?那就是他特具的火一般的热情。没有这，就没有人能像毛泽东那样随着中国末代王朝的衰落，来点燃他的时代。他很自信，也坚信他的军队最终会胜利。这不仅仅是对权力的渴望赋予他坚如磐石的意志。这种力拔群山的个性特征，上帝理解毛泽东的这种作为，与时代的社会特征紧密联系。毛泽东生于动乱年代，那时的人们呼唤着一只可以拯救他们的强有力的手。在那个激烈动荡的年代，那些意欲拥护像毛泽东这样的决意反传统者遍地皆是，可谓空前绝后。 那也是一个令人眼花缭乱的年代，全国像是准备了一百场节目的狂欢舞台，待演的节目，都在谋求公众的允诺后以便随时登场。
共产党人、国民党人、军阀、土匪、教徒、外国探险家及冠以其它名称的人物，全都旋转着拥挤在一起。兴起、败落、昙花一现的联盟，方生方死的新行动计划，在这种势境中，一个革命意志坚定的人，有着千载难逢的良机与世争雄，变革社会。毛泽东的秘诀在于他深知暴力的必要性。实际上他也乐于此道。当党内其他领导同仁还待在上海时，毛泽东则拿起一杆枪跑到乡下，走在了别人的前面。 毛泽东曾自称为中间偏左派。这也是他的方法，他确实经常灵活地利用“统一战线”孤立过主要敌人。他对右派的愤恨决定了他时而向左蹦去，但极左不是他精神上的迷恋之处。他常说要“两条腿走路”。这种天然的均衡性，有点像古代中国人信奉的阴阳刚柔相济的两重性，在毛泽东的全盛时期，对毛泽东起了相当大的作用。他博览群书，足智多谋，而且他来自中国内地。这些因素都同样重要。在革命的热潮中，他能冷静明智地驾驭群众的激情。
毛泽东也曾经为一些过火行为兴奋激昂，然而他又能持超然之态分析自己所获得的经验。 最后，不能撇开中华文明源远流长的特点来解释毛泽东的品格。刚果能产生一位毛泽东这样的人物吗?新西兰能吗?我们不能仅仅从其个体心理特质来说明毛泽东的成功。旧中国产生了坚定的、反叛的、神奇的毛泽东，正像毛泽东缔造了新中国一样真实而符合逻辑。在中国和世界历史上，毛泽东都占有重要地位。毛泽东领导了一场摧毁旧中国的革命，与其他任何主要国家急剧的社会变迁相比，他推动中国进入改革的运动可能更加剧烈。他为世界上这一最古老又最庞大的国家恢复了独立，赢得了地位。 在二十世纪全世界最引人注目的、人口最多的社会中，毛泽东本身就是一位巨人。
在有记载的中国三千年的全部历史中，他可以列入六位最主要的统治者之中;作为一位统一者，他可与隋朝(公元六世纪)和明朝(公元十四世纪)的开国皇帝并驾齐驱。甚至可以其壮举与他崇拜的英雄秦始皇相提并论;作为中国社会的改造者，他要胜过隋朝和明朝的两位开国皇帝，因为他们几乎未改变社会体制。并且，这一点只有反传统的秦始皇才能与他匹敌;作为一种学说的创始人，毛泽东超过了包括秦始皇在内的以前任何一位中国执政者。也许堪与他并列的是构建了中国人生活模式的孔子及其他圣哲。在某些方面，毛泽东又超过他们，因为他生前就声名远扬，而中国大多数圣贤则是死后留芳。
五十多年前，毛泽东是中国的马克思，因为他分析了被外国列强瓜分了的封建中国的诸种弊端。他成为中国的列宁，是因为他领导了走农村包围城市以夺取政权的造反道路。1949年后，他又戴上了中国的斯大林这顶帽子，因为他要用泥刀和砖头来建设一个社会主义新中国。 毛泽东不止是一种，而至少是集五种角色于一身的人。他是点燃全国反抗烈火的农民运动组织者、军事统帅、豪放不羁的浪漫主义诗人、赋予马克思主义一种新的东方伦理的哲学家、全球最庞大的行政机构的政府领袖。他是社会活动家，也是梦想家;是半知识分子，有点像戴高乐和丘吉尔。这类思想、行动一致的人物在动乱年代总是具有影响力。
毛泽东坚信：过去的美景可以再现于未来。这激起了他最初的政治雄心。他的独特兴趣在于历史是如何演进的。他认为，理想和非凡人物的坚强意志是历史的关键所在。这类集活动家和思想家于一身的人物与空想知识分子不同。他具有军人的气质，兵权之剑倚在史书之旁。与最引人注目的逻辑真理相比，他更热爱自己的国家。毛泽东、丘吉尔和戴高乐都是这类人物。走出书斋拯救他自己国家的一意孤行者，会渐渐成为传奇人物，而且很难把他们与那些曾经激励过他们去行动的圣贤般的英雄们区别开来。
对于二十世纪中叶大多数中国人来说，毛泽东的主要功绩在于统一了中国。这个幅员和多样性方面与整个欧洲相类似的国家，常常缺乏政治上的统一。在二十年代，中国变得如此衰败和混乱，如孙中山遗憾地说过的：像一盘散沙，以至许多中外人士本能的认为，不可能把中国合为一体了。 毛泽东领导的时代，是中国历史上最为统一的时代之一。方言逐渐消失了;学校教育使孩子们很容易辨认打上了“新中国”印记的喜马拉雅山脉和东邻朝鲜的森林;共产党的组织网络使中国29个省的相互依赖达到了前所未有的程度。在中国历史上，从未有过一本书能像无产阶级文化大革命时期的“毛主席语录”那样被数亿人诵读。人们把它作为一种统一的力量顶礼膜拜。 毛泽东领导的中国在世界上站起来了。这一点中国人看得相当重，它恢复了中国人的高大形象。“东亚病夫”的迅速崛起足以使其他国家对它新产生的能量感到紧张。除了担心中国会被外来的袭击消灭之外，毛泽东对一切都无所畏惧。
自1949年宣告“中国人民站起来了”以来，壮年毛泽东的理想已得到证实。当北京宣布一次核试验时，你只要看着中国年轻人脸上的那种激动之情就可以了;或者，你也可以同老年的中国人谈谈，虽然他们中个别的不喜欢社会主义，他们还是会说北京政府的好话。因为中国人在世界上有了自尊，这使他们感到非常的骄傲。 什么是毛泽东思想呢?他第一次把农民置于马克思主义革命计划的中心;他把帝国主义当作他所处时代的世界政治的关键，这甚至超过了列宁。这些就是他学说中的孪生支柱。然而，毛泽东也创造了两个概念，它们使基于支柱的理论大厦具有了特色。
他极端恼恨僵化，他用自己欣赏的观点取代了欧洲马克思主义确定了的规律，这就是：一切皆流，永远如此。 毛泽东从不自满，他总在追求一种更有人情味和极具影响力的社会主义，这是他的优点所在，如果说，德国人发明了科学的社会主义，那么可以说，毛泽东尽了最大努力使社会主义融化成一种社会道德。他不仅需要一个新型的国家，而且需要一种作为他的追随者的新型公民。 毛泽东闻名于中国以外的世界。在毛泽东以前中国三千年的历史中，从某种程度上来说，还找不出毛泽东这样的人。
然而，这个在农村环境中长大的人，极少费神去关注中国以外的事。两次去苏联是他仅有的一点国外履历。他43岁时会见过斯诺，这是他一生中第一次与外国人建立一种较为持久的关系，他从未熟练掌握一门外语。毛泽东一生中的大部分时间，都把视野和热情局限于中国。其他国家仅在这样的范围内才能引起他的兴趣;或者他们干涉了中国;或者他们具有中国能学习的思想和经验。 毛泽东的伟大在于他的不屈不挠，在于他的精神锐气以不可抵御之势注入世界意识中。
在许多国家，“毛主席”这一有助于跨越文化障碍的亲切的尊名，已成为大多数国家家喻户晓的用语。在六十年代，“毛主席语录”译本的数量和种类之多使“圣经”也黯然失色。即使是孔子，他的学说也从未传播到如此之多的国家。成吉思汗以其影响名扬欧洲，然而，他没有学说。毛泽东是“第一位以朴素而直率的语言，同世界谈论我们的切身利益的中国人。”
在五十年代和六十年代的许多第三世界国家中，毛泽东是反殖民主义斗争中的主要的人格化身，他比苏加诺、尼赫鲁、纳赛尔更具魅力。因为他知道，要在落后的民族实施新政，不仅需要诅咒西方，而且需要在本土有一个整体的依靠自力更生的变革。在西方，人们对有色人种的东方世界产生的、有巨大影响的政界人物不习惯。一位中国人站在世界历史的界岸上向我们招手：这就是毛泽东的新奇之处。尽管他是大地的儿子，一位土生土长的中国人，但是他以作为本世纪世界政治巨人之一而走完自己的人生历程。
我以为，就他曾有过的全球影响来看，只有罗斯福、列宁或许还有丘吉尔才能与之相提并论。 毛泽东领导中华人民共和国的四分之一世纪，他的领导改变了中国社会，而且这种社会变迁将持续到未来，持续到因岁月的不饶，这位神话般的人物逝去。
毛泽东的政府，使新中国比旧中国有更多的社会平等，这主要表现在：按劳取酬……身份，或拥有土地和资本不再起作用了。因此，中国的产品分配成为世界上最平等的分配方式之一，彻底贫困和死于身无分文的人极少。并且，进步的基本手段，卫生保健和初级教育，不再是只有少数人才支付得起了。 在毛泽东的领导下，中国向社会现代化……现代化的最有效形式，迈出了一大步。
在他临终之前，毛泽东完全可以宣称，中国已经向繁荣迈出了几步。出于多种原因，中国的经济发展虽不如日本那样，但要胜过印度。总之，毛泽东留给中国的是很大程度上的自给自足和世界第六经济大国的地位。
毛泽东和他的朋友们都受个人信念的驱使，而他们的个人信念同时也就是社会信念。他们把自己的一生仅仅看成是革命之火的燃料，它将同时改变中国和他们自己的命运。毛泽东不是从个人的福利而是从国家政权的角度来看待经济发展。有一次，毛泽东对他的听众提出忠告：“不要总认为只有自己行，别人什么都不行，好像世界上没有自己地球就不转了，党就没有了。死了张屠户，就吃混毛猪?什么人死了也不怕，什么人死了就有很大损失吗?马、恩、列、斯不是都死了吗?还是要继续革命。”
毛泽东支配了一个需要超人的时代。明天的现代公民将把毛泽东誉为中国的伟大统一者。他们会时时回过头来，对毛泽东作伦理上的评价，就像在不同时代，人们对孔子作评价一样。“高举毛泽东思想的旗帜”这句口号，随着毛泽东一起安详地躺在他的水晶棺里。旗帜将会愈飘愈高，直到无人认清那褪了色的深红色旗面上到底写了些什么为止。然而，这面旗帜将投下长长的影子。 毛泽东的继承者们将分成不同的“毛派”，在围绕着中国问题的斗争中，他们都将举起“毛泽东”作为武器。这面旗帜本身将为明白毛泽东的后嗣们所需要。对许多普通的中国人来说，“毛主席”是中华人民共和国的主要象征。此后，任何一位想控制中国这一庞大国家的人，都将要利用这一象征物。真正的毛泽东已经融入中国的身躯。不论怎样，毛泽东都将是历史人物中最伟大者之一。不论历史舞台怎样变幻，他永远与中国与世界同在!
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