你党?象还是驴,蓝还是绿?真相就那么难接受吗?

来源: gungho 2010-11-29 11:04:38 [] [旧帖] [给我悄悄话] 本文已被阅读: 次 (8703 bytes)
回答: 我也记得咱党史上是这麽说的。相当冷静2010-11-29 09:15:16

开城古都是李承晚和李奇微原来提出要回的吧?

美方提出要以海空军优势白拿地面控制线以北的土地吧?

美方提出要禁止战后朝鲜修建机场吧?

哪一个成功了?

 

打不下来的地盘,想要靠对方在谈判桌上让步白给,谁都没门,嘴皮说说罢了。中朝想要白拿回被联合国军占领的三八线以北地盘,和美韩想白拿回被中朝联军占领的三八线以南开城和翁津半岛等地盘,甚至要狮子开大口白拿更多的三八线以北地盘,都是不可能的,开天撒价而已。

http://www.carlisle.army.mil/usawc/Parameters/Articles/00spring/boose.htm

......

The Talks Begin: Atmospherics, Agenda, and Substance

While both sides sought an armistice, neither trusted the intentions of the other. Both believed that any concession would be taken as a sign of weakness, and each side was convinced that military pressure was essential to force the other side to compromise. Ideological differences, cultural misperceptions, and the bitter nature of the war intensified the mutual suspicion and hostility that marked the talks. During the first meeting, both sides acted in a businesslike manner, but the underlying antagonism was evident. The UNC delegates refused food and other amenities offered by the KPA/CPV, while the Chinese and North Koreans took advantage of their control of Kaesong to portray themselves as victorious hosts. They also restricted access to the conference site, denying entry to journalists accompanying the UNC negotiators. After several days of sparring on this issue, the KPA/CPV agreed on 15 July 1951 to establish a Kaesong Neutral Zone to which both sides would have equal access.[17]

During the next two weeks the negotiators worked out an agenda and began substantive talks.[18] The first issue was the location and nature of the truce line and demilitarized zone. The KPA/CPV side insisted on a truce line along the 38th Parallel. The UNC, whose forces had pushed north of the parallel except for an area near Kaesong, sought a line well north of the existing line of ground contact, arguing that UNC air and naval power should be factored into the location of the truce line. The 38th Parallel was significant to both sides. KPA/CPV ejection of the UNC from North Korea and restoration of the status quo could be portrayed as a victory by them, while if the UNC achieved a truce line north of the 38th Parallel it would have more than met its initial objectives. ROK President Rhee, to whom the 38th Parallel was a hated symbol of Korea's division, also demanded that the UNC not accept a truce along that line. In spite of these differences, the two sides had by 22 August come close to agreement on a Military Demarcation Line (MDL) based on the ground contact line. But at that point the KPA/CPV unilaterally declared a recess.

......

Concerned the negotiations might drag on and fearing that immediate agreement on the truce line would make further offensives impossible, Ridgway insisted that the truce line should be based on the line of ground contact at the time the armistice was signed. The UNC also proposed adjusting the current line of contact, giving up ground near the east coast in return for placing Kaesong in the UNC zone. The KPA/CPV insisted on immediate agreement on the location of the MDL and refused to give up Kaesong.

Ridgway's efforts to regain Kaesong were prompted by recognition of the military importance of the area as the main avenue of approach into the south and by strong pressures from Syngman Rhee, to whom the old Korean capital had symbolic significance. Neither of these arguments was persuasive to the US leadership, which faced important diplomatic battles in the fall UN General Assembly session and was in the final stages of negotiating a multinational peace treaty with Japan. US leaders believed the armistice would soon go into effect and did not want to be seen as delaying agreement over what might be viewed as trivial issues. Bowing to orders and under strong protest, Ridgway on 13 November directed his negotiators to propose a four-kilometer- wide Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) centered on an MDL running along the current battle line if all other issues were settled within 30 days. With this concession, specifics were soon worked out and on 27 November 1951 the two sides agreed to an MDL running approximately along the line of ground contact. Although subsequent fighting required some minor adjustments, the line remained substantially unchanged until the Armistice was signed.[22]

......

The two sides then addressed concrete measures to implement the Armistice. They quickly agreed on a Military Armistice Commission with equal representation from both sides, but differed as to the nature and scope of its activities. The UNC wanted a supervisory mechanism with the power of inspection throughout Korea and, fearing a challenge to UNC air superiority, also called for a ban on the repair or construction of airfields. The KPA/CPV accepted the idea of supervision inside the DMZ but rejected the airfield repair ban and inspections outside the DMZ.[23]

On 3 December 1951 the KPA/CPV proposed a compromise, suggesting Armistice supervision outside the Demilitarized Zone by nations "neutral in the Korean War." The UNC accepted and by March 1952 the two sides had agreed to Czechoslovakia, Poland, Sweden, and Switzerland as members of a Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission (NNSC) as well as on procedures for the rotation of military personnel and equipment. This resolved the Armistice implementation issue except for airfield repair and a new KPA/CPV demand that the Soviet Union be included in the neutral commission.[24] Resolution of these matters soon became embroiled in the far more difficult issue of repatriation of prisoners of war.

......

In an attempt to recast the issues and thus find some common ground, the UNC negotiators presented what they referred to as a "package proposal" on 28 April. Dropping the ban on airfield repair, they asked the KPA/CPV to concede on USSR participation in the NNSC and voluntary repatriation.

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