（谷歌翻译：There’s a popular mandate for ending the war machine, and it isn’t only coming from the left. We must harness it.）
美国国内对反帝事业的民众支持比左翼机会主义分子希望我们相信的要大得多；那些对结束美帝国主义有着主要物质利益并因此可能产生反战思想的人的比例也是如此。不仅是那些最有社会开明的人，或者最倾向于支持社会主义的人，也支持结束帝国的想法。数据Popular support for the anti-imperialist cause within the USA is much bigger than the left’s opportunistic elements want us to believe; as is the proportion of the people who have a primary material interest in ending U.S. imperialism, and therefore could be brought towards antiwar ideas. It’s not just those who are most socially enlightened, or most inclined to support socialism, that support the idea of ending the empire; data has 显示shown在过去十年中，右倾人士比自由主义者更反对外国军事介入。如果没有美国保守派中更有意识的人士反战情绪的高涨，我们现在就不会处于大多数美国人基本上反对乌克兰代理战争的境地；本月，在对冲突的支持率长期下降之后，一项调查显示， that throughout the last decade, right-leaning individuals have come to oppose foreign military involvement more than liberals do. Without this rise of antiwar sentiment among the more conscious elements of American conservatives, we wouldn’t now be in a situation where a majority of Americans have essentially come to oppose the Ukraine proxy war; this month, after a long period of decline in support for the conflict, a survey came out 超过showing50% 的人不希望我们向乌克兰提供更多援助。 a little over 50% don’t want us to send more aid to Ukraine.
如果我们利用群众意识的这种转变来开展反帝国主义运动，那么我们就有机会使政府的战争行动变得难以为继。然而这个国家的“左派”的主要部分并不想这样做，因为尽管他们声称反对帝国，但实际上他们对团结大多数人民实现革命目标并不感兴趣。This shift in mass consciousness gives us an opportunity to render our government’s war operations untenable, should we take advantage of it by building up the anti-imperialist movement. Yet the primary parts of the “left” in this country don’t want to do that, because even though they claim to oppose the empire, in practice they’re not interested in rallying a majority of the people towards revolutionary goals.
与帝国主义相容的左派之所以表现得像只有左派和自由派才值得带入反战运动，是因为这部分左派对这场运动的看法与严肃的反帝国主义者的看法根本不同。致力于这场斗争的分子愿意采取一切必要措施来削弱战争机器。如果我们需要与非左翼组织建立联盟，以团结所有持反战立场的人，那么我们应该这样做。兼容的左派不愿意实施这样的项目，因为它认为反战运动不需要以实际停止战争为目标来领导。The reason why the imperialism-compatible left acts like only leftists and liberals are worth bringing into the antiwar movement is because this part of the left views this movement in a fundamentally different way from how serious anti-imperialists do. The elements that are committed to this struggle are willing to do whatever is necessary for weakening the war machine. If we’re going to need to build a coalition with non-left formations in order to rally everybody who shares the antiwar stance, then we should do this. The compatible left isn’t willing to carry out such a project, because it thinks that the antiwar movement doesn’t need to be led with the goal of actually stopping the wars.
如果这听起来很荒谬，请听听我们从这些类型的左翼分子那里听到的各种论点，每当有人试图将反战运动超越他们最喜欢的“左派”组织制定的狭隘指导方针时。他们认为，我们对政府卷入的冲突产生影响是不现实的，这让我们产生了一种观念，即在革命发生之前我们对战争机器无能为力；我看到这个论点的例子只是轶事，但其背后的想法是基于对我们的激进主义空间拥有重大权力的机构内部。这种对我们能够产生多大影响力的不必要的悲观看法自然来自于捍卫这些机构的愿望，以及它们在反帝国主义方面的软弱立场和做法。 If this sounds absurd, listen to the kinds of arguments we hear from these types of leftists whenever somebody tries to take the antiwar movement beyond the narrow guidelines which their favorite “left” orgs have put in place. They argue that it’s unrealistic for us to have an impact on the conflicts our government is involved in, cultivating the perception that we’re powerless against the war machine until after a revolution has happened; the instances of when I’ve seen this argument are anecdotal, but the ideas behind it are based within institutions that hold serious power over our activist spaces. This unnecessarily pessimistic view of how much influence we’re capable of having naturally comes from a desire to defend these institutions, with their weak stances and practices when it comes to anti-imperialism.
当兼容的“左派”组织只举行反战集会以回应更严重的反帝国主义者已经举行的事件时；然后When the compatible “left” orgs only ever hold antiwar rallies in response to events which more serious anti-imperialists have already held; then 利用这些集会use those rallies来攻击威胁其激进主义垄断的组织；他们为这种狡猾且不置可否的运作方式辩护的唯一方法就是声称反帝国主义并不真正那么重要。 to attack the orgs which threaten their activism monopoly; the only way they can justify this slimy and non-committal way of operating is by claiming anti-imperialism doesn’t truly matter all that much.
这就是兼容的左派决定无视结束战争机器的民众要求背后的基本原理；拒绝接触任何支持反帝国主义事业的保守派，因为担心这会使他们的组织计划变得不纯粹。然而，问题不仅仅在于这些孤立的组织只想与左翼激进主义空间中存在的少数群体建立关系；问题还在于，这些组织只想提出一种妥协版本的“反帝国主义”，以避免失去自由派非政府组织的支持或疏远自由派。This is the rationale behind the compatible left’s decision to ignore the popular mandate for ending the war machine; to refuse to reach out to any of the conservatives who are compatible with the anti-imperialist cause, for fear of this making their organizing projects impure. The problem, though, isn’t just that these insular orgs only want to build a relationship with the niche minority who exist within left activism spaces; the problem is also that these orgs only want to put forth a version of “anti-imperialism” that’s been compromised, so as to avoid losing support from the liberal NGOs or alienating liberals.
这种落后实践模式背后的核心假设是，人民中最有意识的成分是政治光谱中最左的那些人。真正最有觉悟的人是那些最反对美国霸权的人；因为只有充分解决帝国主义的矛盾，我们的国内矛盾才能得到解决。但兼容并包的左翼分子却不这么认为，所以他们采取了一种在反帝方面无效的运作方式。在最坏的情况下，他们会愿意反对华盛顿竞争对手的反帝国主义行动，如果这有利于他们迎合自由派的使命的话；像PSL这样的组织已经站出来反对俄罗斯对乌克兰的干预，尽管他们对中国的反帝国主义项目做出了积极的评价， The core assumption behind this backward mode of practice is that the most conscious element of the people are those to the furthest left on the political spectrum. The true most conscious element are those most opposed to U.S. hegemony; as all of our domestic contradictions can’t be resolved until the contradiction of imperialism gets sufficiently addressed. This isn’t how the compatible leftists see it though, so they adopt a way of operating which makes them ineffectual on anti-imperialism. At worst, they become willing to oppose the anti-imperialist actions of Washington’s rivals, should this be expedient for their mission to pander to liberals; orgs like PSL have come out against Russia’s Ukraine intervention, even though they say positive things about China’s anti-imperialist projects, because they don’t want to scare off the anti-Russian libs and lib-lefts.
即使兼容的左翼人士确实认识到这些行动正在产生历史性的进步影响，他们也会加入到对所有支持俄罗斯的反帝国主义组织的攻击中。这使得他们对俄罗斯的“支持”变得肤浅和象征性；为了有效地协助帝国挑战者正在进行的叙事战争，你需要建立一个有效的运动，这需要与该运动的其他参与者联合起来。And even when compatible left individuals do recognize that these actions are having a historically progressive impact, they join in on the attacks against all the anti-imperialist orgs that back Russia. Which renders their own “support” for Russia shallow and tokenistic; to effectively assist with the narrative war being fought by the empire’s challengers, you need to build an effective movement, which requires uniting with the other participants in this movement.
当有人被这个国家的“左派”孤立的思想所引导时，他们不可避免地得出的结论是否认存在普遍的反帝国主义使命的现实。如果你表现得好像反对美国霸权不是我们现阶段能做的最有影响力的事情，并且为了纯粹而牺牲反帝运动的力量，那么你就已经含蓄地采取了一种对待日益高涨的反帝情绪的心态。一样毫无意义。其基本信念是：“那么，在我的情况下，大多数人都表现出支持反帝国主义，这又如何呢？因为其中许多人在很多其他事情上都不符合我的水平，所以他们应该被抛弃。” When somebody is guided by the ideas which keep the “left” in this country insular, the conclusion they inevitably come to is one of denial about the reality of there being a popular anti-imperialist mandate. If you act like fighting U.S. hegemony isn’t the most impactful thing we can do at this stage, and sacrifices the anti-imperialist movement’s strength for the sake of purity, you’ve implicitly adopted a mentality which treats this rising anti-imperialist sentiment as meaningless. The underlying belief is: “so what that a majority of the people in my conditions have been shown to be compatible with anti-imperialism? Because many of those people aren’t where I’m at on a lot of other things, they should be discarded.”
如果这种做法只是为了让你接触自由主义者，甚至不挑战他们的核心亲帝国主义思想，就无法利用我们受欢迎的反帝国主义使命。而热衷于这种做法的激进自由主义者并不关心，因为他们认为我们可以击败国家，而无需认真对抗维持国家强大的帝国机构。A practice that’s designed only to let you reach liberals, without even challenging their core pro-imperialist ideas, is not capable of harnessing our popular anti-imperialist mandate. And the radical liberal actors who are invested in this practice don’t care, because they think we can defeat the state without seriously fighting the imperial institutions which keep the state strong.
如果反战活动家或组织受到帝国主义媒体的攻击；如果他们受到国家的迫害；如果他们对自己提出的指控无法得到诚实的支持；然后重新评估你所受的训练对他们产生的任何偏见。他们代表了能够团结与革命相容的大多数人的力量，并团结这大多数人来破坏我们的统治机构。那些行动和想法有制度支持的人是你最应该怀疑的人，因为即使他们声称是革命的，但一旦斗争升级，他们就会背叛事业。 If an antiwar activist or org is being attacked by the imperialist media; if they’re being persecuted by the state; if they’re having accusations directed towards them that can’t honestly be backed up; then re-evaluate whatever biases you’ve been trained to have against them. They represent the forces which can unite the revolutionary-compatible majority, and rally this majority towards undermining our ruling institutions. Those whose actions and ideas have institutional backing are the ones you should be most suspicious of, because even if they claim to be revolutionary, they’ll betray the cause as soon as the struggle escalates.
他们已经通过提出这样的观念来做到这一点：我们应该在社会和种族正义“有原则”的幌子下，努力保持与革命相容的多数人的分裂。不要被旨在阻止我们反帝国主义运动进一步崛起的心理战所迷惑；加入这场运动，这样它就能摧毁旧的权力中心，让我们能够建设社会主义。They’re already doing this by putting forth the notion that we should try to keep the revolutionary-compatible majority divided, under the guise of being “principled” on social and racial justice. Don’t fall for the psyops designed to prevent the further rise of our anti-imperialist movement; join with this movement so it can destroy the old centers of power, and allow for us to build socialism.
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