本周在广岛日举行集会的“人道和平”组织提出了以下要求：Humanity for Peace, the organization that’s holding a rally this week on Hiroshima Day, is putting forth these demands:
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立即停止向乌克兰提供所有资金和武器。the immediate ending of all funding and weapons to Ukraine.
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立即召开无条件和平谈判。convene immediate unconditional peace talks.
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北大西洋公约组织（NATO）解散the dissolution of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
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必须建立一个新的国际安全架构，以结束世界的分裂，消除地缘政治。这种新架构必须考虑到每个主权国家（无论大小）的安全关切。 a new international security architecture must be created to end the division of the world into blocs, eliminating geopolitics. This new architecture must take into account the security concerns of every sovereign nation, large or small.
从本质上讲，这些想法得到了一直在推动向多极世界过渡的主要领导人的认同。佩佩·埃斯科巴These ideas are, in essence, shared by the primary leaders who’ve been facilitating the transition to a multipolar world. Pepe Escobar has 观察到observed“2022 年以结束所有 Zoom 通话的 Zoom 通话结束：弗拉基米尔·普京总统和习近平主席在独家视频通话中讨论了俄中战略伙伴关系的各个方面……关于他们协调‘建立基于普京强调，“我们对全球地缘政治格局持续转变的原因、进程和逻辑持有相同的看法。” 面对“来自西方前所未有的压力和挑衅”，普京指出，俄罗斯和中国不仅在捍卫自己的利益，“也在捍卫所有那些支持真正民主的世界秩序和各国自由决定自己命运的权利的人”。 ” how “The year 2022 ended with a Zoom call to end all Zoom calls: Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping discussing all aspects of the Russia-China strategic partnership in an exclusive video call…On their coordination to ‘form a just world order based on international law,’ Putin emphasized how ‘we share the same views on the causes, course, and logic of the ongoing transformation of the global geopolitical landscape.’ Facing ‘unprecedented pressure and provocations from the west,’ Putin noted how Russia-China are not only defending their own interests ‘but also all those who stand for a truly democratic world order and the right of countries to freely determine their own destiny.’”
The fact that Russia’s actions in Ukraine are supported by socialist states 俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动得到了朝鲜等like the DPRK社会主义国家的支持；; and by Global South liberation movements 以及由布基纳法索上尉易卜拉欣·特拉奥雷领导的全球like the one南方解放运动；显示“人类和平”正在推进一项得到世界上增长最快的政治力量共同支持的计划。这些力量正在取代美国的力量。 led by Burkina Faso’s Captain Ibrahim Traoré; shows Humanity for Peace is advancing a program that’s collectively backed by the world’s fastest-rising political forces. Those being the forces that are replacing American power.
这就是为什么“人类和平”组织展示这些要求的图片引起了那些力图让北约继续主导话语权的势力的强烈反应（相对于它最初发布的地方的曝光率）。Reddit 是一个社交网络，实际上是民主党在线部门的话语管理工具，该图已被广泛分享。This is why Humanity for Peace’s graphic displaying these demands has been getting a wildly outsize reaction (relative to its exposure in the places where it initially got posted) from the forces which seek to make NATO continue dominating the discourse. Reddit, the social network that in effect functions as a discourse management tool for the Democratic Party’s online wing, has been seeing this graphic widely shared. This has suddenly made Humanity for Peace’s program commonly known not just among English-speaking pro-NATO partisans, but also among a variety of European ones, as I’ve discovered upon finding German-language commenters who’ve 正如我在找到链接linked到该图片的德语评论者时发现的那样，这突然使“人道和平”计划不仅在讲英语的亲北约游击队中广为人知，而且在许多欧洲游击队中也广为人知。显然，这些演员分享这张图片的目的是为了嘲笑人类和平组织的想法，但这可能会适得其反。 to the graphic. Obviously these actors have been sharing the graphic with the intent to ridicule Humanity for Peace’s ideas, but this could backfire.
这场大规模嘲讽运动背后的亲北约伪粉丝群体乐于广泛分享这张图片，因为 Reddit 是一个回音室，这似乎使得这些想法不可能影响到该国广大的工人阶级。然而，这些支持北约的话语管理中心感到有必要对这张图片做出如此耸人听闻和不成比例的反应，这一事实表明，反北约运动采取的行动越多，话语管理者受到的威胁就越大。The pro-NATO pseudo-fandoms behind this mass mockery campaign feel comfortable widely sharing the graphic because Reddit is an echo chamber, seemingly making it implausible that these ideas could reach the country’s broad working class. Yet the fact that these pro-NATO discourse management centers have felt the need to respond to the graphic so sensationally and disproportionately is an indication that the more actions the anti-NATO movement takes, the more threatened the discourse managers get.
对民主党来说可能发生的最糟糕的事情；以及在线空间、企业媒体和其他地方的叙事管理部门；美国工人广泛接触同样的反帝国主义思想，促使世界其他大多数国家越来越多地反抗美国的霸权。这个国家工人的利益与结束霸权统治的全球努力是一致的；因此，如果太多的工人有机会吸收这种努力背后的想法，整个系统就会不稳定。从外部来看，帝国变得无法维持美元的主导地位，因为内部对战争机器的大规模反对使得保持美元坚挺的全球战争行动变得难以为继。在内部，帝国变得无法继续利用民主党来拉拢和转移阶级斗争，因为工人受过太多教育，无法接受帝国主义政党领导的权利运动。这是北约叙事管理者的任务是预防的两种灾难场景。The worst thing that could happen for the Democratic Party; as well as for its narrative management wings in the online spaces, the corporate media, and elsewhere; is the USA’s workers being widely exposed to the same anti-imperialist ideas driving most of the rest of the world to increasingly defy American hegemony. The interests of this country’s workers align with this global effort to end the hegemon’s rule; therefore if too many of these workers get the opportunity to absorb the ideas behind this effort, the entire system gets destabilized. Externally, the empire becomes unable to maintain the dollar’s dominance, as internal mass opposition towards the war machine renders untenable the global war operations which keep the dollar strong. Internally, the empire becomes unable to keep using the Democratic Party to co-opt and divert the class struggle, as the workers have become too educated to accept their rights movement being led by an imperialist party. These are the two disaster scenarios that NATO’s narrative managers are tasked with preventing.
然而，他们越努力阻止这种话语剧变，我们就越能看到一种趋势：新冷战战士的行动所产生的事件最终会导致自由主义秩序内部的同样的破坏。他们非常害怕。当他们在乌克兰问题上八年的好战导致华盛顿和基辅一系列令人无法接受的升级时，这些升级激怒了莫斯科进行干预，这只为冷战者提供了暂时的可信度提升。乌克兰战争在整个欧洲造成的所谓的团结在北约背后的使命只能被视为如此。欧洲对华盛顿的忠诚度是有限度的，而且从长远来看，乌克兰战争造成的严重经济损失使两国关系变得更加紧张。 The more they’ve worked to stop this upheaval of the discourse, though, the more we’ve seen a trend: the events that get produced by the actions of the new cold warriors end up leading to the same disruptions within the liberal order which they fear so much. When their eight years of warmongering over Ukraine enabled an unacceptable series of escalations by Washington and Kiev, escalations which provoked Moscow into intervening, this only provided the cold warriors with a temporary gain in their perceived credibility. The supposed mandate to unify behind NATO which the Ukraine war created throughout Europe can only be viewed as such for so long; there’s a limit to Europe’s loyalty towards Washington, and the grievous economic costs of the Ukraine war have in the long term made their relationship more strained than it would have been otherwise.
评论员拉迪卡·德赛 (Radhika Desai)Commentator Radhika Desai 评论了observes为什么发动乌克兰代理战争对于霸权来说是一场注定失败的赌博： why bringing about the Ukraine proxy war represented a doomed gamble for the hegemon:
中国。拜登知道欧洲本来就不愿意与俄罗斯开战，更不愿意（出于合理的经济原因）加入任何反华事业，因此拜登如此坚决、彻底地寻求通过以下方式将欧洲与俄罗斯分开，并将其与美国捆绑在一起。乌克兰战争之后，它别无选择，只能在中国问题上与美国站在一起。然而，这家企业起步并不乐观，现在正在分崩离析。即使团结起来对抗俄罗斯也是很困难的，因为它确实给欧洲带来了巨大的经济痛苦。尽管拜登政府历史上很幸运，在如此多的国家首都（尤其是柏林）拥有令人惊讶的顺从领导层，但北约在乌克兰冲突问题上的团结更像是一种表演，而不是现实，只有最低程度的真实性和最大程度的表演性顺从。制裁通常仅限于那些伤害最小的企业，导致如此多的西方公司仍在俄罗斯运营，人们不禁想知道这有什么大惊小怪的。武器供应主要集中在那些最容易备用且往往已经过时的武器上，这使得乌克兰成为一个难以有效部署或修复的“北约装备大动物园”。China. Knowing that Europe, already reluctant to go to war with Russia, would be even more reluctant (for sound economic reasons) to join any anti-Chinese venture, Biden sought so resolutely and completely to sunder Europe from Russia and bind it to the US through the Ukraine war that it would have no choice but to go along with the US on China later. However, this enterprise got off to an unpromising start and is now unravelling. Marshalling unity even against Russia was hard, involving as it did inflicting a great deal of economic pain on Europe. Even with the Biden Administration’s historical luck of having astonishingly compliant leaderships in so many capitals, pre-eminently Berlin, NATO unity over Ukraine conflict has been more a show than a reality, with a minimum of real and maximum of show compliance. Sanctions have generally been confined those that hurt the least, leaving so many western companies still operating in Russia one wonders what the fuss is all about. Weapons supplies have focused on those that are easiest to spare, often obsolete, leaving Ukraine with a ‘Big Zoo of NATO equipment’ that is hard to deploy or repair efficiently.
与这场冲突给帝国带来的失败相比，北约的短暂统一和北溪管道的破坏只是空洞的“胜利”。随着俄罗斯特别行动带来的“一带一路”和金砖国家的加速进展，最终，与俄罗斯继续被动应对相比，华盛顿的竞争对手能够更好地定义21世纪。 The momentary reunification of NATO, and the destruction of the Nord Stream pipeline, have been hollow “victories” compared to the defeats the conflict has brought to the empire. With the acceleration of the progress by BRI and BRICS that Russia’s special operation has brought, ultimately Washington’s rivals are in a better place to define the 21st century than they would be if Russia had continued to respond passively.
不过，这些反帝事业的国际胜利并不是新冷战战士发动战争所带来的唯一意想不到的结果。他们过度自信地试图破坏欧亚大陆的稳定，这也成为帝国中心地区新的反帝国主义运动兴起的催化剂。这场运动有能力破坏美国资本在后美国世界中试图维持权力的最终绝望计划；该计划旨在进一步推动经济去增长，同时实施自由法西斯主义，镇压反霸权的政治行为者。These international victories for the anti-imperialist cause aren’t the only unexpected outcomes that the new cold warriors have brought by starting the war, though. Their overconfident attempt to destabilize Eurasia has also turned into a catalyst for the rise of a new anti-imperialist movement within the heart of the empire. A movement that’s capable of sabotaging U.S. capital’s final, desperate plan for trying to maintain power in a post-American world; that plan being to engineer a further degrowth of the economy, while implementing a liberal fascism which suppresses counter-hegemonic political actors.
讽刺的是，如果这个计划像自由主义秩序的捍卫者迄今为止所采用的计划一样成功，那么它将无意中结束这个秩序。 The irony is that if this plan is as successful as the schemes the defenders of the liberal order have been employing so far, it will be the thing which unintentionally ends this order.
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当前阶段的自由文化霸权与其挑战者之间的权力斗争始于 2008 年自由主义秩序作为可行的后苏联世界体系的可信度受到威胁。反布什运动和伊拉克大规模杀伤性武器的曝光有助于这一运动的欺诈行为，在很长一段时间内只是代表了对霸权的对抗。由于该运动的领导来源（例如 ANSWER）的自由主义尾巴主义，示威活动未能呈现出革命性和可持续的性质。因此，当布什时代末期新自由主义经济秩序崩溃时，统治阶级处于危机状态，但它也能够在不受任何强大革命力量挑战的情况下尝试强化自由主义。 The present phase of the power struggle between the liberal culture hegemony, and those who challenge it, began when the liberal order’s credibility as a viable post-Soviet world system became threatened in 2008. The anti-Bush movement, and the revelations of Iraq WMD fraudulence that aided this movement, had only represented a counter to the hegemon for so long. Due to the liberal tailism of the movement’s leadership sources, such as ANSWER, the demonstrations failed to take on a revolutionary and sustainable nature. So when the neoliberal economic order imploded at the end of the Bush era, the ruling class was in a state of crisis, but it also was able to try to reinforce liberalism without being challenged by any strong revolutionary presence.
帝国试图通过军事侵略来弥补经济衰退，这让华盛顿失去了很大的信誉。随着中国的崛起，以及俄罗斯摆脱美国附庸国的地位，世界反帝国主义力量在这十年中重新崛起。然而，在核心中出现激进力量之前，这些新兴的革命政治全球优势无法让美国更接近革命。The empire’s attempts to compensate for its economic decline through military aggression had lost Washington much credibility. And with China’s rise, along with Russia’s break from being a U.S. client state, the world’s anti-imperialist forces had undergone a resurgence in strength throughout the decade. These emerging global advantages for revolutionary politics, though, wouldn’t be able to bring the U.S. closer to revolution until a radical force emerged within the core.
因此，在整个奥巴马时代，统治阶级能够成功地强化自由主义。通过“占领华尔街”运动，国家不仅对可能被视为威胁的运动分子进行了镇压，而且还对他们进行了镇压。更重要的是，它还通过民主党吸收了阶级斗争。该运动是对日益恶化的经济状况的群众反应，这种反应在很大程度上具有自发性。它无法获得革命组织的领导，也无法将其参与者带向马克思主义，部分原因在于其粗俗的言辞（以一种掩盖了阶级冲突的工人与资本主义的特殊本质的方式谈论“99％”） ）并且由于它吸引了大部分甚至不是工人（而是流氓分子）的参与者。 So throughout the Obama era, the ruling class was able to successfully fortify liberalism. With Occupy Wall Street, the state not only carried out a repressive campaign against the elements of the movement that could be seen as a threat; it also, more importantly, co-opted the class struggle via the Democratic Party. The movement was a mass reaction to worsening economic conditions, a reaction that largely had a spontaneous character. It couldn’t gain leadership from revolutionary organizations, and it was made unable to bring its participants towards Marxism in part due to its vulgarized rhetoric (talking about “the 99%” in a way which obscured the particular worker-capitalist nature of class conflict) and due to its attracting participants who largely weren’t even workers (rather lumpen elements).
当帝国主义者开始新冷战时，他们遇到的严重反对主要来自美国RT记者，他们会受到新保守派的As the imperialists started up the new cold war, the serious opposition they encountered was mainly from American RT journalists, who would get 攻击attacked，但还没有像他们最终那样受到如此多的恐惧。这种情况在 2016 年 11 月发生了变化，自由主义的弱点被暴露出来。 by the neocons but weren’t yet viewed with as much apprehension as they eventually would be. This changed in November 2016, when liberalism’s weaknesses were revealed.
2008年的危机使特朗普当选成为可能，不是因为“经济焦虑”，而是因为经济衰退不可避免地造成机构信任的丧失——包括像特朗普这样的投票基础，甚至不是特别是工人阶级。这也是在当年兴起的左翼民粹主义运动的背景下发生的。这场运动的改革派领导人伯尼·桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)未能阻止其基地内的许多人寻求民主党的替代方案。仅仅这样的事件能够发生这一事实就足以激怒自由主义的支持者，他们惊慌失措地试图恢复常态。这是不可能的，因为资本主义的长期危机只会变得更加严重，所以他们至少必须以维持对叙事的主导地位为目标。 The 2008 crisis made Trump’s election possible, not because of “economic anxiety” but because of the loss in institutional trust that economic downturns inevitably create—including among voting bases like Trump’s, which wasn’t even particularly working class. It had also happened in the context of a left-wing populist movement having emerged that year; a movement whose reformist leader, Bernie Sanders, wasn’t able to stop many within his base from seeking out alternatives to the Democratic Party. Simply the fact that such an event had been able to manifest was enough to provoke the upholders of liberalism into panicked attempts at restoring normalcy. Which wasn’t possible, since capitalism’s long crisis can only grow more severe, so they had to at least aim for maintaining dominance over the narrative.
他们试图做到这一点的方式是构建一个关于特朗普竞选团队与俄罗斯合作干预选举的阴谋论。这个想法可以让他们将反战运动以及任何其他寻求独立于民主党行动的运动描绘成外国对手的合成发明。2019年，在这一“通俄门”指控在新自由主义宣传回声室之外的任何地方都失去了可信度之后，亚伦·马特观察到了腐败的秘密操纵，正是这些操纵使该指控在主流中受到认真对待。马特The way they tried to do this was by constructing a conspiracy narrative about the Trump campaign having worked with Russia to interfere in the election. This was an idea that would let them portray the antiwar movement, and any other movement which sought to act independently from the Democratic Party, as a synthetic invention of a foreign adversary. In 2019, after this “Russiagate” accusation had lost perceived credibility everywhere outside the neoliberal propaganda echo chamber, Aaron Maté observed the corrupt secret maneuverings which had made the accusation come to be treated seriously in the mainstream. Maté 写道wrote司法部长约翰·达勒姆（John Durham）和司法部长威廉·巴尔（William Barr）正在对“通俄门”的起源进行司法部调查，并如何找到一系列可疑事件进行调查；其中之一是情报人员克里斯托弗·斯蒂尔对特朗普个人生活以及所谓与俄罗斯的联系的明显不可靠的“报道”： of how Attorney General John Durham and Attorney General William Barr, who were carrying out a DOJ investigation into Russiagate’s origins, had been able to find a series of suspect events to look into; one of which being intelligence asset Christopher Steele’s clearly unreliable “reporting” on Trump’s personal life and supposed links to Russia:
我们尚未收到可靠的解释，为什么情报官员认为从一系列未经证实的有关特朗普的耸人听闻的阴谋论中获取线索是适当的——所有这些都是由他的政治对手买单的。已经被揭露的事情已经够可恶的了。联邦调查局援引斯蒂尔档案，于 2016 年 10 月获得了对特朗普前竞选助手卡特·佩奇的监视令，并告诉法庭，它“相信（俄罗斯的）行动正在与佩奇以及可能与特朗普竞选活动有关的其他个人进行协调” 。这种疯狂假设的来源是斯蒂尔，它称他为“第一来源”且“可信”。然后是约翰·布伦南领导下的中央情报局的角色。多篇新闻报道明确表明，中央情报局是巴尔和达勒姆调查的主要焦点。在报道扩大刑事调查的故事时，《纽约时报》提出了一个奇怪的说法，即达勒姆询问采访对象“中央情报局官员是否可能以某种方式欺骗联邦调查局启动俄罗斯调查”。尽管我们对一个句子的理解是有限的，但这是一条指向布伦南的诱人线索。前中央情报局局长因发起俄罗斯调查而受到赞誉……We have yet to receive a credible explanation for why intelligence officials thought it was appropriate to take cues from an unverified collection of lurid conspiracy theories about Trump—all paid for by his political opponent. What has already been revealed is damning enough. The FBI cited the Steele dossier to obtain a surveillance warrant on former Trump campaign aide Carter Page in October 2016, telling the court that it “believes that [Russia’s] efforts are being coordinated with Page and perhaps other individuals associated with,” the Trump campaign. Its source for that wild supposition was Steele, whom it described as “Source #1” & “credible.” Then there is the role of the CIA under John Brennan. Multiple news reports make clear that the CIA is a principal focus of Barr and Durham’s inquiry. In breaking the story of the expanded criminal inquiry, The New York Times includes the curious claim that Durham has asked interview subjects “whether C.I.A. officials might have somehow tricked the F.B.I. into opening the Russia investigation.” Although there are limitations on how much we can make of one sentence, that is a tantalizing clue pointing to Brennan. The former CIA director has taken credit for launching the Russia investigation…
在本应证明“通俄门”的特别检察官调查未能拿出证据后，叙事管理者暂时将主要目标转向中国。中央情报局在香港引发的骚乱，以及随后的大流行，使他们能够更好地传播“维吾尔族种族灭绝”和“台湾是自己的国家”等论调。自由主义者和自由派联盟的“左派”接受了这些想法，部分原因是“通俄门”刚刚向他们灌输了对任何挑战亲帝国主义言论的人的敌意。 After the Special Counsel investigation that was supposed to prove Russiagate failed to produce evidence, the narrative managers temporarily shifted to China as their main target. The CIA-fueled unrest in Hong Kong, and then the pandemic, made them better able to propagate psyops like the “Uyghur genocide” and the “Taiwan is its own country” argument. And the liberals and liberal-aligned “leftists” accepted these ideas, partly because Russiagate had just inculcated them with hostility towards anybody who challenges pro-imperialist narratives.
当特朗普破坏稳定的领导模式被新版本的奥巴马政府取代时，叙事管理者就有机会安抚社会主义或与社会主义相关的运动；因为自由主义者的统治总是给革命努力制造障碍，而“通俄门”已经让反帝国主义者受到严格审查和污名化。1月6日，自由派能够有效地发动一场反政变，他们利用美国右翼的行动审查When Trump’s destabilizing leadership model got replaced with a new version of the Obama administration, the narrative managers got an opportunity to placate socialist or socialist-adjacent movements; as domination by liberals always creates obstacles towards revolutionary efforts, and Russiagate had already allowed for anti-imperialists to become heavily censored and stigmatized. With January 6th, the liberals were able to effectively carry out a counter-coup, where they used the actions of the American right to 巴勒斯坦censor人和（反对美国外交政策的其他声音），同时加强对所有被认为是“极端分子”的镇压。 Palestinians and (other voices opposing U.S. foreign policy) while intensifying repression against all judged to be “extremists.”
当叙事管理者努力升级与俄罗斯的紧张关系并最终引发欧洲代理人战争时，这些就是他们所拥有的优势。然而，当拜登政府试图维持对叙事的控制，同时继续进行极具破坏性且明显不必要的军事冒险时，这些优势就不再足以保持局势稳定。拜登推高通货膨胀，制造第三次世界大战的危险，将不可避免地导致反北约运动的兴起。这是叙事管理者必须努力消除的威胁，可能会带来比 2016 年更严重的叙事混乱。These were the advantages the narrative managers had by the time their efforts to escalate the tensions with Russia finally brought about a European proxy war. Yet when the Biden administration then tried to maintain this control over the narrative, at the same time it perpetuated a wildly destructive and clearly unnecessary military adventure, these advantages became no longer enough to keep the situation stable. Biden’s driving up inflation, and creating a danger of a third world war, would inevitably lead to the rise of an anti-NATO movement. This was a threat that the narrative managers would then have to try to neutralize, potentially bringing a narrative disruption more severe than the one from 2016.
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反对今年二月举行的“愤怒反对战争机器”集会的自由主义者和接近自由派的左翼人士认为，这次集会是一次失败；但这些行为者感到有攻击集会本身的冲动，这一事实证明集会对我们的统治机构构成了真正的威胁。那些代表民主党负责把守激进空间的人决定试图谴责和孤立这个新的反帝联盟，这证明这个联盟值得我们支持。The narrative of the liberals and liberal-adjacent leftists who opposed this February’s Rage Against the War Machine rally was that it had been a failure; but the fact that these actors felt an urge to attack the rally in itself proved the rally posed a genuine threat towards our ruling institutions. The ones with the task of gatekeeping radical spaces on the Democratic Party’s behalf have decided to try to censure and isolate this new anti-imperialist coalition, which proves this coalition deserves our support.
在 RAWM 和今年反俄左翼组织 ANSWER 举办的集会之间，RAWM 引发了 MSNBC 等媒体的Between RAWM, and this year’s rally put on by the anti-Russian left formation ANSWER, RAWM was the one which provoked outlets like MSNBC to 攻击attack它。这是因为，尽管 ANSWER 自称为“ANSWER 联盟”，但它并不是真正的联盟；它是一个联盟。它并没有完成 RAWM 所做的重要事情，即与不完全是左派的势力形成合作。RAWM 的非左翼分子所代表的许多人，例如自由主义者，都是人民中最有意识的分子的成员：具有反帝国主义意识的分子。RAWM 联盟内的共产党人已经认识到，这个因素不仅仅存在于左派之中；它也存在于左派中。许多自称“左派”的人实际上在思想和实践上顽固地支持帝国主义。 it. This is because even though ANSWER calls itself the “ANSWER coalition,” it’s not truly a coalition; it hasn’t done the crucial thing RAWM has, which is forming a collaborative effort with forces which aren’t exclusively on the left. Many of the people represented by RAWM’s non-left elements, such as the Libertarians, are members of the most conscious element of the people: the element that’s come to an anti-imperialist consciousness. The communists within the RAWM coalition have been able to recognize that this element doesn’t exist solely on the left; and that many of those who claim to be on the “left” are in fact obstinately pro-imperialist in their thinking and practice.
正因为如此，我们的统治机构一直表现得像 RAWM，而由此产生的永久性组织项目是真正的威胁。当这些机构看到一群与自由主义相邻的左翼分子声称支持反帝国主义的妥协版本，而不打算将其影响范围扩大到“左翼”活动空间内的少数派之外时，它们并不担心。当他们看到在全球反帝国主义运动中分享亲俄立场的共产主义者正在建立真正独立于民主党之外的东西时，他们就有理由担心。这就是为什么一旦“人类和平”（RAWM 负责的项目）有了一点知名度，这些机构（在本例中为 Reddit）的宣传部门就试图反击。It’s because of this that our ruling institutions have been acting like RAWM, and the permanent organizing project which has since emerged from it, are a genuine threat. These institutions aren’t concerned when they see a group of liberal-adjacent leftists claiming to support a compromised version of anti-imperialism, while not intending to expand their outreach beyond the niche minority within “left” activist spaces. When they see communists who share the pro-Russian stance of global anti-imperialist movements building something that truly exists independently from the Democratic Party, there’s reason for concern. That’s why as soon as Humanity for Peace (a project that RAWM is responsible for) got a little bit of visibility, the propaganda wings of these institutions (in this case Reddit) tried to counter it.
明天集会举行时，我们将看看企业媒体是否加入反对人类和平运动的行列。如果我们找到一种方法让其要求广为人知（具有讽刺意味的是，Reddit 用户正在尽最大努力实现这一点），毫无疑问，叙事管理者会试图在更大的平台上抹黑它。从长远来看，真正决定当前反帝运动是否成功的是它对 2024 年选举周期结束时的言论的影响程度。如果这场运动能让民主党在明年底无法界定我们的文化如何看待拜登政府的行动和想法，民主党将在阶级斗争的关键时刻彻底失去对组织空间的垄断。When the rally takes place tomorrow, we’ll see whether the corporate media joins in on the campaign against Humanity for Peace. Should we find a way to make its demands widely known, which the Redditors are ironically doing the most to make happen, no doubt the narrative managers will try to discredit it on a larger platform. In the longer term, what can truly decide whether the present iteration of the anti-imperialist movement succeeds is how much it’s influenced the discourse by the end of the 2024 election cycle. If this movement can make the Democratic Party unable to define how our culture views the Biden administration’s actions and ideas at the end of next year, the Democrats will have definitively lost their monopoly over organizing spaces at a crucial juncture in the class struggle.
康奈尔·韦斯特有潜力在我们的全国对话中带来我们所需要的这种破坏的很大一部分。对于公开反对乌克兰心理战的候选人来说，获得大量选票，或者至少在对话中保持大量相关性，将在一定程度上永久削弱民主党对大众意识的控制。这将大大增加决心不再投票给民主党总统候选人的人数，因为他们意识到，除了不那么邪恶的改良主义之外，还有一个可行的替代方案。另一种选择是建立一个能够击败国家的反帝国主义运动；这只有在原则上拒绝加强民主党主导地位的想法和行动的基础上才有可能实现。 Cornel West has the potential to bring a big part of this disruption we need within our national dialogue. For a candidate who speaks out against the Ukraine psyop to gain a significant amount of the vote, or at least sustain a significant amount of relevance within the conversation, would to an extent permanently diminish Democrat control over the mass consciousness. It would greatly expand the amount of the people who’ve resolved never to vote for a Democratic presidential candidate again, due to becoming aware that a viable alternative exists to lesser-evil reformism. That alternative is to build an anti-imperialist movement capable of defeating the state; which is only possible on the basis of a principled rejection of ideas and actions that reinforce the Democratic Party’s dominance.
民主党以及尾随民主党的反俄左翼组织将试图将投票给西方描绘成对边缘化人群的背叛；但如果许多最近对民主党幻灭的奥巴马黑人选民加入韦斯特的行列，这可能会变得更加困难。考虑到拜登已经清楚地表明自己是马尔科姆·艾克斯警告的暗中刺伤的白人自由主义者之一，这种可能性确实存在。The Democrats, as well as the anti-Russian left orgs that tail the Democrats, are going to try to portray voting for West as a betrayal of marginalized people; but this could be made more difficult should the many black Obama voters who’ve lately become disillusioned with the Democrats join with West. And that’s a real possibility, given how clearly Biden has shown himself to be one of the backstabbing white liberals Malcolm X warned about.
Politico 据《Politico》报道has ，民主党全国委员会对此类事情的发生感到担忧：“一些民主党官员和战略家担心，自特朗普离开白宫以来，一些选民投票给拜登的紧迫性已经消失。他们尤其担心年轻人可能会接受韦斯特的信息……CBC（国会黑人核心小组）成员还相信，选举第一位黑人议长——少数党领袖哈基姆·杰弗里斯——将成为推动这一进程的动力。黑人选民也是如此……拜登的许多顾问淡化了西方在夺走黑人选民方面所构成的威胁，并指出拜登在任命第一位黑人女性副总统和最高法院法官方面的记录。他们还注意到黑人失业率创历史新低。” reported that the DNC is worried about just such things happening: “some Democratic officials and strategists worry that the urgency to vote for Biden has dissipated for some voters since Trump left the White House. They are anxious that young people, in particular, might be receptive to West’s message…There is also a belief among CBC [Congressional Black Caucus] members that the drive to elect the first Black speaker — Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries — would be a motivator for Black voters, too…Many advisers to Biden downplay the threat West holds in pulling away Black voters, pointing to Biden’s record in appointing both the first Black female vice president and Supreme Court justice. They also note record low Black unemployment rates.”
民主党人说这些话是为了让自己不那么焦虑。马尔科姆·X 说：“如果你把一把刀插进我的背 9 英寸，然后拔出 6 英寸，那就没有任何进展。如果你把它完全拉出来，那就不是进步。进展正在治愈打击造成的伤口……他们甚至不承认刀在那里。” 根据诚实的评估，民主党甚至没有把刀拔出一英寸；这些顾问忽略的背景是，黑人家庭因天然气、食品和住房成本上涨而遭受的These are things the Democrats are saying to make themselves feel less anxious. Malcolm X said that “If you stick a knife in my back 9 inches and pull it out 6 inches, there's no progress. If you pull it all the way out, that's not progress. The progress is healing the wound that the blow made.. And they won't even admit the knife is there.” By an honest assessment, the Democrats aren’t even pulling the knife out by one inch; the context these advisers leave out is that black families have been 损失suffering最大，而拜登的战争加剧了这些成本。 the most from the rises in gas, food, and housing costs which Biden’s war has been exacerbating.
这些事情不仅表明一场重大的政治动荡即将到来，而且表明自由派正在试图阻止这一现实。许多工人，尤其是黑人工人，现在有可能变得激进。如果他们了解到最近自由法西斯镇压黑人共产主义的策略，这种激进化可能会将他们中的很多人变成共产主义者，而这些策略与代理人战争直接相关。起诉非洲人民社会党成员，以报复他们公开反对乌克兰心理战；然后制定一项法案（限制），将起诉书背后的法西斯法律逻辑编入法典；自由主义者与很多人民为敌。These things make it obvious not only that a major political disruption is coming, but that the liberals are trying to block out this reality. Many workers, black workers in particular, now have the potential to become radicalized; and this radicalization could turn plenty of them into communists should they learn about the recent liberal fascist maneuvers to suppress black communism, maneuvers which have been directly related to the proxy war. By indicting the members of the African People’s Socialist Party in retaliation for their speaking out against the Ukraine psyop; then creating a bill (RESTRICT) that would codify the fascist legal logic behind the indictments; the liberals have made enemies of a great amount of the people.
通过在乌克兰挑起战争，帝国主义者最终让他们的叙事管理者的工作变得更加困难。它们让反帝国主义者能够指出我国政府正在犯下的一系列极具破坏性、高度可见的罪行，并团结越来越多的人来结束这些罪行。代理人战争的失败By provoking war in Ukraine, the imperialists made the job of their narrative managers ultimately far harder. They let the anti-imperialists become able to point to a highly destructive, highly visible series of crimes that our government is committing, and rally a growing number of the people around ending these crimes. The proxy war’s failure is 促使prompting帝国主义转向针对金砖国家以及更广泛的可能与中国结盟的国家发动混合战争。他们希望这场战争能够对公众隐瞒，就像非洲司令部或制裁等其他新冷战组成部分如何在相对较少的大规模审查下存在一样。 the imperialists to pivot towards a campaign of hybrid warfare against BRICS, and against the broader series of countries which may align with China. And they hope this war can be mostly concealed from the public, like how other new cold war components such as AFRICOM or the sanctions have been able to exist with relatively little mass scrutiny.
RAWM、韦斯特的竞选活动以及代理人战争促成的其他反霸权发展，都能够使针对金砖国家的战争无法以这种方式隐藏起来。因为当人民热情起来反对帝国主义时会发生什么呢？他们中的更多人开始密切关注有关政府罪行的报道。这就是代理人战争的强烈反对可能对帝国造成的长期威胁。如果共产主义者正确应对我们的处境，大众意识的转变可能导致资本主义国家的最终失败。
（谷歌翻译：The corporate media brought war to Ukraine. Then this created an anti-NATO movement that’s threatening its narrative dominance.）
