北美深层政府的起源第一部分：圆桌运动的兴起

作者：马修·埃雷特By Matthew Ehret

 

“两个制度摆在世界面前；人们希望增加从事贸易和运输的人员和资本的比例，从而减少生产用于贸易的商品的比例，这必然会减少所有人的劳动回报；另一种则希望增加从事生产工作的比例，减少从事贸易和运输的比例，增加所有人的回报，为工人提供良好的工资，为资本所有者提供良好的利润……与印度人打交道，并将世界其他地方降低到他的水平；另一个是将全世界人类的水平提高到我们的水平。人们关注的是贫困、无知、人口减少和野蛮；另一种是增加财富、舒适度、智力、行动组合，和文明。人们期待普遍战争；另一个是为了世界和平。一是英文系统；我们可以自豪地将另一种制度称为美国制度，因为它是唯一一个其设计趋势是在提高全世界人民的条件的同时使人的条件变得平等的制度。”“Two systems are before the world; the one looks to increasing the proportion of persons and of capital engaged in trade and transportation, and therefore to diminishing the proportion engaged in producing commodities with which to trade, with necessarily diminished return to the labour of all; while the other looks to increasing the proportion engaged in the work of production, and diminishing that engaged in trade and transportation, with increased return to all, giving to the labourer good wages, and to the owner of capital good profits… One looks to under working the Hindoo, and sinking the rest of the world to his level; the other to raising the standard of man throughout the world to our level. One looks to pauperism, ignorance, depopulation, and barbarism; the other in increasing wealth, comfort, intelligence, combination of action, and civilization. One looks towards universal war; the other towards universal peace. One is the English system; the other we may be proud to call the American system, for it is the only one ever devised the tendency of which was that of elevating while equalizing the condition of man throughout the world.”

-亨利·C·凯里，《利益的和谐》，1856-Henry C. Carey, Harmony of Interests, 1856

 

第1部分：美国体系的国际传播与圆桌运动Part 1: The International Spread of the American System vs the Round Table Movement

 

加拿大作为一个主权国家的生存斗争陷入了以英国和美国社会组织体系为代表的两种对立的人类观点之间。正如伟大的经济学家亨利·C·凯里（Henry C. Carey）在推进亚伯拉罕·林肯（Abraham Lincoln）的政策时所阐述的那样，美国体系旨在成为一个在主权国家之间运作的全球体系，以实现每个人的进步和互惠互利。到19世纪末Canada’s struggle for existence as a sovereign nation has been caught between two opposing views of mankind represented by the British and American System of social organization. As the great economist Henry C. Carey laid out while he was advancing the policy of Abraham Lincoln, the American System was designed to become a global system operating amongst sovereign nations for the progress and mutual benefit of each and all. By the end of the 19^，th美国体系思维引起了全球各个角落的政治家和爱国者的共鸣，他们厌倦了英国自由贸易的古老帝国体系，这种体系一直致力于维持一个分裂和垄断的世界。 century, American System thinking was resonating with statesmen and patriots in all corners of the globe who were fed up with the ancient imperial system of British Free Trade that had always strived to maintain a world divided and monopolized.

尽管英国的宣传者尽一切努力让英国制度的神圣性幻想在其臣民的心中保持活力，但不可否认的是，生活质量的提高以及美国制度所表达的创造性思想在其应用的各个地方都变得太强大了忽略……尤其是在像加拿大这样的殖民地，长期以来，这些殖民地一直遭受着支离破碎、不发达的身份认同，这是忠诚于大英帝国所付出的代价。Although British propagandists had made every attempt to keep the illusion of the sacredness of the British System alive in the minds of its subjects, the undeniable increase of quality of life, and creative thought expressed by the American System everywhere it was applied become too strong to ignore… especially within colonies such as Canada that had long suffered a fragmented, and underdeveloped identity as the price paid for loyalty to the British Empire.

在德国，受美国制度启发的关税同盟不仅统一了一个分裂的国家，而且将其生产力和主权提升到了超越英国东印度公司垄断力量的水平。在日本，美国工程师在明治维新期间帮助组装由国家银行系统和保护性关税资助的火车。In Germany, the American System-inspired  Zollverein (custom’s union) had not only unified a divided nation, but elevated it  to a level of productive power and sovereignty which had outpaced the monopoly power of the British East India Company. In Japan, American engineers helped assemble trains funded by a national banking system, and protective tariff during the Meiji Restoration.

在俄罗斯，美国体系的追随者、交通部长、沙皇亚历山大二世的亲密顾问谢尔盖·维特（Sergei Witte）利用美国制造的横跨西伯利亚铁路的火车彻底改变了俄罗斯经济。就连奥斯曼帝国也未能幸免于进步的灵感，柏林至巴格达铁路的开通，旨在启动西南亚现代化的大胆计划。In Russia, American System follower Sergei Witte, Transport Minister and close advisor to Czar Alexander II, revolutionized the Russian economy with the American made trains that rolled across the Trans-Siberian Railway. Not even the Ottoman Empire remained untouched by the inspiration for progress, as the Berlin to Baghdad Railway was begun with the intention of unleashing a bold program of modernization of southwest Asia.

 

 

马特·埃雷特的见解Matt Ehret's Insights

阴谋学中的历史分析、地缘政治、文化战争和其他研究Historical analysis, geopolitics, cultural warfare and other studies in Conspiracy Science

作者：马修·埃雷特By Matthew Ehret

 

美国制度触动了加拿大人的心The American System Touches the Canadian Mind

 

 

 

在加拿大，林肯和亨利·C·凯里的崇拜者在伟大的美国体系政治家艾萨克·布坎南 (Isaac Buchanan) 身上找到了他们的代言人 (1)。1864 年 4 月，新的麦克唐纳-塔赫内阁任命布坎南为执行委员会主席，布坎南升任加拿大自治领（民选）政治职务的最高职位。这使他坚决反对乔治·布朗和后来的总理约翰·麦克唐纳的帝国议程，他和所有爱国的共同思想家将他们视为加拿大独立和进步的死敌。布坎南在 1863 年 12 月的演讲中概述了他在声望上升时所倡导的政策：In Canada, admirers of Lincoln and Henry C. Carey found their spokesman in the great American System statesman Isaac Buchanan (1). Buchanan rose to the highest position of (elected) political office in the Dominion of Canada when in April 1864, the new MacDonald-Taché Ministry appointed him the President of the Executive Council. This put him in firm opposition to the Imperial agenda of George Brown, and the later Prime Minister John A. Macdonald, of whom he and all patriotic co-thinkers counted as bitter enemies to Canada’s independence and progress. The policy which Buchanan advocated as he rose to higher prominence was outlined in his December 1863 speech:

“英国自己采纳了这一超越性的原则（自由贸易），几乎失去了殖民地，而她疯狂地试图将其作为大英帝国的原则，将完全疏远殖民地。尽管曼彻斯特学校假装拥有非凡的智力，但作为一个阶级，他们缺乏对世界的了解和爱国原则……作为英国立法的必然结果，加拿大将要求英国同意建立两件事：第一“The adoption by England for herself of this transcendental principle [Free Trade] has all but lost the Colonies, and her madly attempting to make it the principle of the British Empire would entirely alienate the Colonies. Though pretending to unusual intelligence, the Manchester Schools are, as a class, as void of knowledge of the world as of patriotic principle… As a necessary consequence of the legislation of England, Canada will require England to assent to the establishment of two things: 1^，st美国关税同盟[又名：关税同盟]。第二, an American Zollverein [aka: Customs Union]. 2：在英美之间发生任何战争时，加拿大将成为中立领土” ^。nd(2): Canada to be made neutral territory in time of any war between England and the United States”. (2)

 

 

虽然布坎南在德国以美国体系经济学家弗里德里希·李斯特（Friedrich List）制定的关税同盟计划为蓝本建立的关税同盟在 1867 年《邦联条例》的行动中暂时失败，但其重新崛起的潜力将在 1896 年回归威尔弗里德·劳里埃 (Wilfrid Laurier) 当选加拿大下一任总理。到了1911年，亚伯拉罕·林肯的虔诚崇拜者劳里埃提出的海关联盟政策终于取得了成果。劳里尔早就认识到，加拿大的利益并不在于麦克唐纳的反美计划，该计划只是将加拿大更多地依赖于母国，而是在于其南方邻国的利益。他的互惠计划提议降低与美国主要在农业方面的保护关税，但其目的是实现加拿大的电气化和工业化，劳里埃认为这个国家将在二十年内养活 6000 万人口。在他的亲密顾问亚当·肖特（Adam Shortt）、奥斯卡·斯克尔顿（Oscar Skelton）和后来的威廉·里昂·麦肯齐·金（William Lyon Mackenzie King）的合作下，劳里尔以安大略共济会“橙色勋章”的形式，在加拿大各地活跃的英国敌人的雷区中航行，后来，阴险的圆桌运动While the customs union-modelled on the Zollverein program of American System economist Friedrich List in Germany laid out by Buchanan, was temporarily defeated during the operation known as the Articles of Confederation in 1867, the potential for its re-emergence would return in 1896 with the election of Wilfrid Laurier, Canada’s next Prime Minister. By 1911, the custom’s union policy advanced by Laurier, who was a devout admirer of Abraham Lincoln finally came to fruition. Laurier long recognized that Canada’s interests did not reside in the anti-American program of MacDonald which simply tied Canada into greater dependence towards the mother country, but rather with the interests of its southern neighbour. His Reciprocity program proposed to lower protective tariffs with the USA primarily on agriculture, but with the intention to electrify and industrialize Canada, a nation which Laurier saw as supporting 60 million people within two decades. With the collaboration of his close advisors, Adam Shortt, Oscar Skelton and later William Lyon Mackenzie King, Laurier navigated the mine field of his British enemies active throughout the Canadian landscape in the form of the Masonic “Orange Order” of Ontario, and later, the insidious Round Table movement.

虽然劳里埃试图实现 1911 年真正的互惠条约，其中涉及北美经济体之间的自由贸易，联合起来征收保护性关税，以防止英国倾销廉价商品，但它不会持续太久，因为英国经营的橙色秩序和圆桌会议可用的所有资源都被限制了。启动以确保互惠党最终失败，劳里尔的自由党政府垮台，并由罗伯特·博登爵士的保守党政府取而代之。(3) 劳里尔描述了这一事件后加拿大的局势：While Laurier’s attempts to actualize a true Reciprocity Treaty of 1911 that involved free trade among North American economies united under a protective tariff against British dumping of cheap goods, it would not last, as every resource available to the British run Orange Order and Round Table were activated to ensure the Reciprocity’s final defeat and the downfall of Laurier’s Liberal government and its replacement by the Conservative government of Sir Robert Borden in its stead.(3) Laurier described the situation in Canada after this event:

“加拿大现在由一个坐在伦敦的军政府统治，被称为“圆桌会议”，在多伦多、温尼伯和维多利亚产生了影响，保守党和格里特从伦敦接收他们的想法，并阴险地将它们强加给各自的政党。” (4)“Canada is now governed by a junta sitting at London, known as “The Round Table”, with ramifications in Toronto, in Winnipeg, in Victoria, with Tories and Grits receiving their ideas from London and insidiously forcing them on their respective parties.” (4)

在劳里尔发出这一警告的两年前，圆桌运动的创始人米尔纳勋爵写信给他的一位同谋，阐述了布坎南和劳里尔的美国计划所面临的战略危险：Two years before Laurier uttered this warning, the founder of the Round Table movement, Lord Milner wrote to one of his co-conspirators laying out the strategic danger faced by Buchanan and Laurier’s program with America:

“至于未来的三种可能性：1.更紧密的帝国联盟，2.与美国联盟以及3.独立，我绝对相信第2种才是真正的危险。我认为加拿大人自己并没有意识到这一点……他们对重大问题的政治反思极其不成熟，几乎没有意识到影响力有多大……”（5）“As between the three possibilities of the future: 1. Closer Imperial Union, 2. Union with the U.S. and 3. Independence, I believe definitely that No. 2 is the real danger. I do not think the Canadians themselves are aware of it… they are wonderfully immature in political reflection on the big issues, and hardly realise how powerful the influences are…” (5)

既不了解上述两个对立体系之间的生存斗争，也不了解新一代大英帝国主义者创建圆桌运动，以回应林肯在大英帝国全面破产的情况下取得的国际胜利上个世纪，那么没有一个加拿大人能够诚实地理解是什么塑造了他或她的文化和政治景观。本报告的目的是清楚地了解普世历史这一阶段的一些主要行为者，希望读者的洞察力能够得到加强，从而能够具备领导加拿大和世界各国所需的必要判断力。我们当前的世界可能仍会陷入一个新的黑暗时代。Without understanding either the existential struggle between the two opposing systems related above, or the creation of the Round Table movement by a new breed of British Imperialist as a response to Lincoln’s international victory in the face of the total bankruptcy of the British Empire at the turn of the last century, then no Canadian could honestly ever make sense of what has shaped his or her cultural and political landscape. It is the purpose of this present report to shed a clear light upon some of the principal actors on this stage of universal history with the hope that the reader’s powers of insight may be strengthened such that those necessary powers of judgement required to lead both Canada and the world out of our current plunge into a new dark age may yet occur.

圆桌运动：新的种族主义品种，同样的种族主义物种The Round Table Movement: New Racist Breed, Same Racist Species

 

圆桌运动是重新控制大英帝国的国际行动的知识中心，并在 20 世纪经历了多次演变。乔治敦大学的历史学家卡罗尔·奎格利在其死后出版的The Round Table movement served as the intellectual center of the international operations to regain control of the British Empire and took on several incarnations over the 20th century. The historian Carrol Quigley, of Georgetown University wrote of this cabal in his posthumously published 《英美建制》中描述了这个阴谋集团 (6)：“Anglo-American Establishment” (6):

“这个组织能够相当成功地隐藏其存在，其许多最有影响力的成员满足于拥有现实而不是表面上的权力，甚至连熟悉英国历史的学生也不认识。当我们了解到该组织的主要工作方法之一是通过宣传时，这就更令人惊讶了。“This organization has been able to conceal its existence quite successfully, and many of its most influential members, satisfied to possess the reality rather than the appearance of power, are unknown even to close students of British history. This is the more surprising when we learn that one of the chief methods by which this Group works has been through propaganda.

它策划了 1895 年的詹姆森袭击；它引发了1899-1902年的布尔战争；它设立并控制罗德信托；1906年至1910年创建了南非联盟；1908年创办南非期刊《国家》；1910年，它创办了大英帝国期刊《圆桌会议》，至今仍是该集团的喉舌；在一代人多的时间里，它一直是牛津万灵学院、贝利奥尔学院和新学院最强大的单一影响力；它控制《泰晤士报》五十多年，除了1919年至1922年这三年外，它在1908年至1918年期间宣传了“大英联邦”的理念和名称，它是 1917 年至 1919 年劳埃德·乔治战争管理中的主要影响力，并在出席 1919 年和平会议的英国代表团中占据主导地位；它与国际联盟和任务制度的组建和管理有很大关系；它于 1919 年成立了皇家国际事务研究所，至今仍控制着它；它是 1917 年至 1945 年间英国对爱尔兰、巴勒斯坦和印度政策的主要影响之一；对1920-1940年德国绥靖政策产生了非常重要的影响；它在很大程度上控制着并且仍然控制着布尔战争以来大英帝国和外交政策的历史来源和写作。” (7) 在很大程度上，它是布尔战争以来大英帝国和外交政策历史的来源和写作。” (7) 在很大程度上，它是布尔战争以来大英帝国和外交政策历史的来源和写作。” (7)It plotted the Jameson Raid of 1895; it caused the Boer War of 1899-1902; it set up and controls the Rhodes Trust; it created the Union of South Africa in 1906-1910; it established the South African periodical The State in 1908; it founded the British Empire periodical The Round Table in 1910, and this remains the mouthpiece of the Group; it has been the most powerful single influence in All Souls, Balliol, and New Colleges at Oxford for more than a generation; it has controlled The Times for more than fifty years, with the exception of the three years 1919-1922, it publicized the idea of and the name “British Commonwealth of Nations” in the period 1908-1918, it was the chief influence in Lloyd George’s war administration in 1917-1919 and dominated the British delegation to the Peace Conference of 1919; it had a great deal to do with the formation and management of the League of Nations and of the system of mandates; it founded the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1919 and still controls it; it was one of the chief influences on British policy toward Ireland, Palestine, and India in the period 1917-1945; it was a very important influence on the policy of appeasement of Germany during the years 1920-1940; and it controlled and still controls, to a very considerable extent, the sources and the writing of the history of British Imperial and foreign policy since the Boer War.”  (7)

了解圆桌运动的血统，因为它于 1910 年“正式”揭晓，是致力于在“帝国联邦”下拯救大英帝国的国际帝国主义者新“管理阶层”的政策和范式的意识形态塑造者”，有必要追溯到几十年前，即 1873-74 年。正是在这一年，一位名叫乔治·帕金的年轻加拿大人在牛津大学发表演讲，主题是帝国联盟是所有盎格鲁撒克逊人前进的神圣职责。帕金被牛津历史学家普遍誉为To understand the pedigree of the Round Table movement as it was “officially” unveiled in 1910 as the ideological shaper of the policies and paradigm of the new “managerial class” of international imperialists dedicated to the salvation of the British Empire under an “Imperial Federation”, it would be necessary to go back a few decades prior, to 1873-74. It was in this year that a young Canadian named George Parkin lectured at Oxford on the subject imperial union as the sacred duty of all Anglo Saxons to advance. Parkin is popularly heralded by Oxford historians as “改变英格兰思想的人”。“the man who shifted the mind of England”.

1873-1902 濒临崩溃的帝国：重组或灭亡1873-1902 Empire on the Verge of Collapse: Re-organize or Perish

 

 

 

在同一时期，以托马斯·赫胥黎（Thomas Huxley）、马修·阿诺德（Matthew Arnold）、赫伯特·斯宾塞（Herbert Spencer）和约瑟夫·胡克（Joseph Hooker）为中心的被称为“X俱乐部”（1865年去世）的帝国知识分子团体被指派负责彻底改革大英帝国的控制性意识形态结构，这些结构已被证明是有效的。他们自己已经筋疲力尽了。每个人都会专注于科学的各个分支，并且都会提倡对变化的渐进主义解释，以抵消需要创造性飞跃的解释。应用该计划的目的是：1）拯救崩溃的帝国，2）根据查尔斯·达尔文高度唯物主义的自然选择模型建立新的科学宗教的基础，作为新物种进化和分化的解释。During this same period, a grouping of Imperial intellectuals known as the “X Club” (f. 1865) centering on Thomas Huxley, Matthew Arnold, Herbert Spencer and Joseph Hooker were assigned the responsibility to overhaul the British Empire’s controlling ideological structures that had proven themselves worn out. Each would specialize on various branches of the sciences and would all promote gradualist interpretations of change to counteract explanations which required creative leaps. This program was applied with the intention of: 1) saving the collapsing empire and 2) establishing the foundation of a new scientific religion based upon Charles Darwin’s highly materialistic model of Natural Selection as the explanation for the evolution and differentiation of new species. As X Club co-founder Herbert Spencer went on to elaborate the system of “social darwinism” as the logical outgrowth of Darwin’s system into human affairs, the intention behind the propagation of the Darwinian program was never “the enlightenment liberalism in battle against the ignorant dogmas of religion”, 正如通俗科学史学家经常叙述的那样as it is so often recounted by popular historians of science. Rather, the “revolution in science” initiated by the X Club was merely the re-packaging of an idea as old as Babylon: The control of the masses by a system of oligarchical rule, simply under a new type of ，“启蒙自由主义与无知的宗教教条作斗争” 。相反，X俱乐部发起的“科学革命”只不过是对巴比伦一样古老的观念的重新包装：在一种新型的“科学独裁”下，通过寡头统治体系来控制群众。“scientific dictatorship”.但是，当创造性理性的力量通过鼓励新发现和应用技术来提高人类的生活条件（正如美国政治经济体系所提倡的那样）时，世界现在将如何接受帝国主义所要求的精神和政治奴役条件？在固定系统中为收益递减而奋斗？ But how, when the demonstration of creative reason’s power to elevate humanity’s conditions of life by encouraging new discoveries and applied technologies, as promoted by the American System of Political Economy, would the world now accept the conditions of mental and political enslavement demanded by the imperialist in a fixed system struggle for diminishing returns?

 

 

这是牛津青年们面临的挑战，他们将运用托马斯·赫胥黎 X 俱乐部建立的“科学”推理来发挥自己的创造力，并为欧洲统治寡头家族服务。乔治·帕金像当时所有的牛津青年一样，深受这个网络思想的影响，并用它们来证明This was the challenge upon which young Oxford men would set their creative energies using the “scientific” reasoning established by Thomas Huxley’s X Club and for the service of the ruling oligarchical families of Europe. George Parkin like all young Oxford men at this time, was highly influenced by this network’s ideas, and used them to justify the 强者对弱者的霸权是“自然科学的必然性” 。“natural scientific inevitability”在这种情况下，盎格鲁撒克逊优等民族统治着地球上的劣等民族。 of the hegemony of the strong over the weak. In this case, the Anglo Saxon master race dominating the inferior peoples of the earth. This message could be seen in his 1892 work 这个信息可以在他 1892 年的作品《帝国联邦》中看到Imperial Federation：“国家需要很长时间才能成长，但在某些时期，例如某些植物的开花时间延迟了，或者化学溶液的结晶，新的形式会以极快的速度形成。我们有最充分的理由相信英国民族之前就曾经历过这样一个时期。因此，迫切需要就帝国各部分之间的相互关系建立一个健全的公众舆论体系。” (8): “Nations take long to grow, but there are periods when, as in the long delayed flowering of certain plants, or in the crystallization of chemical solutions, new forms are taken with extreme rapidity. There are the strongest reasons for believing that the British nation has such a period immediately before it. The necessity for the creation of a body of sound public opinion upon the relations to each other of the various parts of the Empire is therefore urgent.” (8)

在阐述美国制度模式下的民族主义运动导致英国制度崩溃的危险时，帕金接着问道：“我们的政治组织能力是否已达到极限？对于英国人民来说，这是问题中的问题。在未来所有可能出现的政治变化中，没有什么问题比大英帝国是否应该继续作为一个政治实体……或者屈服于大英帝国这一问题具有如此深远的意义，不仅对我们自己的人民，而且对整个世界。瓦解的力量，将使国民生活的河流被分成许多不同的渠道。” (9)In elaborating upon the danger of the British System’s collapse in light of nationalist movements following the American System model, Parkin went on to ask: “Has our capacity for political organization reached its utmost limit? For the British people this is the question of questions. In the whole range of possible political variations in the future there is no issue of such far reaching significance, not merely for our own people but for the world at large, as the question whether the British Empire shall remain a political unit… or yielding to disintegrating forces, shall allow the stream of the national life to be parted into many separate channels.” (9)

阿尔弗雷德·米尔纳是帕金在牛津的同代人之一，他在我们的戏剧中扮演了一个邪恶的角色，是圆桌运动形成背后的催化剂。米尔纳认为帕金从那时起就给了他人生方向 (10)。1876 年，另一位与米尔纳和帕金同时代的塞西尔·罗兹 (Cecil Rhodes) 离开牛津，前往南非的棉花种植园发财。这三个角色也深受“拉斐尔前派协会”领导的英国情报部门“艺术”分支领导人约翰·罗斯金的影响。One of Parkin’s Oxford contemporaries was Alfred Milner, a character who plays a vicious role in our drama as the catalyzer behind the formation of the Round Table Movement. Milner credited Parkin with giving his life direction from that point on (10). It was during 1876 that another contemporary of Milner and Parkin, named Cecil Rhodes left Oxford in order to make a fortune on a cotton plantation in South Africa. All three characters were also highly influenced by John Ruskin, the leader of the “artistic” branch of British Intelligence led by the “Pre-Raphaelite Society”.

罗兹的棉花财富收益因对南非钻石业的投资而成倍增加，使他的政治权力和财富达到了巨大的高度，并在被任命为开普敦总理和罗得西亚创始人时达到顶峰。当前以伦敦为中心的矿产卡特尔力拓、戴比尔斯和朗罗正在掠夺非洲，以及玷污了南非大部分历史的种族隔离遗产，是罗德斯至今留下的伤痕累累的遗产的两个方面。The proceeds of Rhodes’ cotton fortune were multiplied many times by ventures into the diamond industry of South Africa, allowing him to rise to gargantuan heights of political power and wealth, peaking with his appointment as Prime Minister of Cape Town and Founder of Rhodesia. The current London-centered mineral cartels Rio Tinto, De Beers, and Lonrho now pillaging Africa, as well as the legacy of Apartheid which has stained so much of South Africa’s history are among two aspects of the scarring legacy Rhodes has passed down to present times.

从 1876 年到 1897 年出任驻南非高级专员期间，米尔纳的道路与罗兹略有不同。米尔纳被《颇尔美尔公报》的编辑 William T. Stead 聘用，并很快成为副主编。《公报》的职能在《颇尔美尔福音》中得到了阐述，这是一份简短的使命宣言，斯特德要求他的所有员工遵守该宣言：“大Between 1876 and his becoming High Commissioner to South Africa in 1897, Milner’s path slightly diverged from Rhodes. Milner was recruited by the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette William T. Stead and became associate editor soon thereafter. The Gazette’s function was set out in the Pall Mall Gospel, a short mission statement which Stead demanded all of his employees abide to: 英帝国联邦是其生存的条件……作为一个帝国，我们必须联合起来，否则就会灭亡。”“The Federation of the British Empire is the condition of its survival… as an Empire we must federate or perish.”福音还宣传美国和英国“联合”的“不可避免的命运”（11）。帕尔迈尔在协调帝国的凝聚力愿景方面所发挥的作用是米尔纳和他的爪牙后来经营圆桌期刊时所遵循的模型。1889 年，在罗兹和他的赞助商罗斯柴尔德勋爵的怂恿下，斯特德正式被招募参与这项宏伟的设计。正是在斯特德最近因他的公报宣传“有组织的罪恶”而被释放出狱时，却发现他的报纸陷入了严重的财务困境，此时他第一次受到塞西尔·罗德斯的拜访，塞西尔·罗德斯是他在南非的期刊的长期追随者。 。第一次见面后，斯特德欣喜若狂地写信给他的妻子： The gospel also propagandized for the “inevitable destiny” that the USA and Britain “coalesce” (11). The role which the Pall Mall played in coordinating a cohesive vision of empire was the model followed by Milner and his minions later as they ran the Round Table periodicals. Stead was officially recruited to the grand design in 1889 which was instigated by Rhodes and his sponsor Lord Rothschild. It was when Stead had been recently released for prison due to his Gazette’s promotion of “organized vice” only to find his paper in serious financial trouble, when he was first called upon by Cecil Rhodes, a long time follower of his journal in South Africa. After their first meeting, Stead ecstatically wrote to his wife:

 

 

“先生。罗德是我的男人！我刚刚和他聊了三个小时。他对这篇论文的想法比我想象的还要美妙得多。我不能告诉你他的计划，因为它太秘密了。但这涉及数百万人。他不知道创办一篇论文要花费 25 万英镑。但他给了我 20,000 英镑作为免费礼物，让我购买《首相公报》的股票作为开始……他的想法是帝国的联邦、扩张和巩固……。他喜欢上了我。告诉了我一些他没有告诉过其他人的事情——除了罗斯柴尔德勋爵——并敦促我接受这 20,000 英镑，不要有任何回报，也不提供任何收据，只是接受它并用它来让我更自由地处理事情。 PMG 这一切看起来就像一个童话梦……” (12)“Mr. Rhodes is my man! I have just had three hours talk with him. He is full of a far more gorgeous idea in connection with the paper than even I have had. I cannot tell you his scheme because it is too secret. But it involves millions. He had no idea that it would cost £250,000 to start a paper. But he offered me down as a free gift £20,000 to buy a share in the P.M. Gazette as a beginning… His ideas are federation, expansion, and consolidation of the Empire…. He took to me. Told me some things he has told no other man—save Lord Rothschild— and pressed me to take the £20,000, not to have any return, to give no receipt, to simply take it and use it to give me a freer hand on the P.M.G. It seems all like a fairy dream….” (12)

奎格利表明，米尔纳和斯特德都已成为塞西尔·罗德制定的议程的积极成员。但这个议程是什么？在 1879 年至 1901 年间写下的一系列七份遗嘱中，毫无歉意的种族主义者罗兹阐述了他重新征服世界的计划，并向年轻精英灌输他的计划：Quigley demonstrates that both Milner and Stead had become active members of the agenda laid out by Cecil Rhodes. But what was this agenda? In a series of seven wills written between 1879 and 1901,” Rhodes, the unapologetic racist, laid out his designs for the re-conquering of the world and indoctrinating young elites into his design:

“让我们建立同样的社会，一个为了大英帝国的扩张而建立的教会。一个社会，应该让其成员遍布大英帝国的每一个角落，为一个目标和一个想法而努力，我们应该将其成员安置在我们的大学和学校，并应该看着英国年轻人也许只有千分之一的人从他们手中走过，对这样的目标有思想和感情，应该对他进行各种考验，检验他是否有忍耐力，是否有口才，是否不顾生活琐事，如果发现有这样的情况，那么就当选并受约束宣誓在他的国家服务一生。如果协会没有办法的话，他应该得到支持，并被送到帝国认为需要他的地方。“Let us form the same kind of society, a Church for the extension of the British Empire. A society which should have its members in every part of the British Empire working with one object and one idea we should have its members placed at our universities and our schools and should watch the English youth passing through their hands just one perhaps in every thousand would have the mind and feelings for such an object, he should be tried in every way, he should be tested whether he is endurant, possessed of eloquence, disregardful of the petty details of life, and if found to be such, then elected and bound by oath to serve for the rest of his life in his Country. He should then be supported if without means by the Society and sent to that part of the Empire where it was felt he was needed.’

 

 

在另一份遗嘱中，罗兹更详细地描述了他的意图：In another will, Rhodes described in more detail his intention: 建立、促进和发展秘密社团，其真正目的和目的应是将英国统治扩展到全世界。英国臣民对所有可以通过能源、劳动和企业谋生的土地进行殖民化，特别是英国殖民者对整个非洲大陆、圣地、幼发拉底河谷、塞浦路斯群岛的占领和坎迪亚、整个南美洲、迄今为止尚未被英国占领的太平洋岛屿、整个马来群岛、中国和日本的这些岛屿，以及美利坚合众国作为一个整体的最终恢复是大英帝国的一部分。” (13)To and for the establishment, promotion and development of a Secret Society, the true aim and object whereof shall be for the extension of British rule throughout the world. The colonization by British subjects of all lands where the means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labour, and enterprise and especially the occupation by British settlers of the entire Continent of Africa, the Holy Land, the Valley of the Euphrates, the islands of Cyprus and Candia, the whole of South America, the islands of the Pacific not heretofore possessed by Great Britain, the whole of the Malay Archipelago, these aboard of China and Japan, [and]  the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of the British Empire.” (13)

 

 

正是在这种特定的设计下，罗德信托基金在他于 1902 年去世后成立，旨在创建一个对才华横溢的年轻弟子进行灌输的系统，以实现罗德窃取世界并重新征服美国的梦想。一些历史学家认为，由于罗德并没有真正带来他在最后两份遗嘱中呼吁建立一个秘密结社，他一定已经“成熟”并把这些想法抛在脑后了。然而奎格利教授指出，这些“权威”历史学家所推崇的信念是一场闹剧，乔治·帕金 (George Parkin) 从他 1912 年出版的《罗德奖学金》一书中所进行的富有启发性的观察就证明了这It was under this specific design to create an indoctrination system of talented young disciples that Rhodes’ dream of stealing the world and reconquering America that the Rhodes Trust was established upon his death in 1902. Some historians have maintained that since Rhodes doesn’t literally bring up his call for a secret society in his last two wills, he must have “matured” and left those notions behind him. Yet Professor Quigley points out, that the belief pushed by such “authoritative” historians is a farce, evidenced by George Parkin’s revealing observation taken from his book 一点  ：The Rhodes Scholarship, published in 1912:  “重要的是要记住，这个最终的遗嘱与之前的遗嘱是一致的，它并不是像某些人所认为的那样对错误的迟来的赎罪，而是实现了毕生不懈追求的梦想。” (14)“It is essential to remember that this final will is consistent with those which had preceded it, that it was no late atonement for errors, as some have supposed, but was the realization of life-long dreams persistently pursued.” (14)

罗德去世后，乔治·帕金 (George Parkin) 于 1902 年辞去上加拿大学院校长 (1895-1902) 职务，成为罗德奖学金信托基金的第一任负责人，以履行其职责。正是在这个职位上，帕金招募了上加拿大学院教授爱德华·皮科克(Edward Peacock)，后者作为罗德受托人加入了他的行列，并成为圆桌运动加拿大分支的推动者。在组织推翻总理威尔弗里德·劳里尔和废除 1911 年互惠条约的同时，该组织还从大学关系中招募了年轻的才华横溢的弟子。圆桌会议的模式涉及伦敦的一个中央协调机构，在整个英联邦战略性地设有分支机构，以便为改革后的大英帝国年轻而有才华的“上层管理阶层”提供统一的愿景和声音。帕金和皮科克与阿尔弗雷德·米尔纳勋爵、亚瑟·格莱兹布鲁克爵士、WT·斯特德、亚瑟·贝尔福和内森·罗斯柴尔德勋爵一起成为共同受托人。Upon Rhodes’ death, George Parkin became the first head of the Rhodes Scholarship Trust in 1902 leaving his post as Principal of Upper Canada College (1895-1902) to fulfill his duty. It was under this post that Parkin recruited fellow Upper Canada College professor Edward Peacock, who joined him as a Rhodes trustee and promoter of what became the Canadian branches of the Round Table movement. While organizing for the ouster of Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier and the defeat of the 1911 Reciprocity Treaty, this group recruited young talented disciples from their college connections along the way. The model of the Round Table involved a central coordinating body in London, with branches strategically placed throughout the Commonwealth in order to provide one vision and voice to the young and talented “upper managerial class” of the reformed British Empire. Parkin and Peacock were joined by Lord Alfred Milner, Sir Arthur Glazebrook, W.T. Stead, Arthur Balfour and Lord Nathan Rothschild as co-trustees.

1912 年，贝尔福与西德尼和比阿特丽斯·韦伯费边协会的优生学家合作，与年轻的圆桌会议成员温斯顿·丘吉尔等热心的新成员一起创办了第一届国际优生学会议。查尔斯·达尔文的表弟、优生学创始人弗朗西斯·高尔顿爵士在能够在会议上发表主题演讲前几周去世。费边社及其姊妹组织“系数俱乐部”以其他著名的优生学家为特色，如伯特兰·罗素、哈尔福德·麦金德、HG·威尔斯和乔治·萧伯纳，以及后来的哈罗德·拉斯基和约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯[参见关于优生学倾向的随附文章]费边社]。任一组织的成员名册经常重叠 (15)Working in tandem with the eugenicists of the Fabian Society of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Balfour had founded the first International Eugenics Conference in 1912 alongside enthusiastic recruits such as young Roundtable member Winston Churchill. Charles Darwin’s cousin and founder of eugenics, Sir Francis Galton died mere weeks before being able to keynote the conference. The Fabian Society and its sister organization “The Co-efficients Club” featured such other prominent eugenicists as Bertrand Russell, Halford Mackinder, H.G. Wells and George Bernard Shaw, and later Harold Laski and John Maynard Keynes [see accompanying article on the Eugenics bent of the Fabian Society]. Membership rosters of either organization frequently overlapped  (15)

 

 

最初的圆桌运动所进行的大部分肮脏工作主要是由一群年轻的牛津男子进行的，他们在 1899 年至 1902 年布尔战争镇压德兰士瓦（南非）起义期间开始在米尔纳的领导下管理帝国事务。 Kindergarden、Philip Kerr 和 Lionel Curtis 的任务是从伦敦协调加拿大分部（Parkin 和 Peacock 从加拿大负责协调）。虽然几个世纪前牛津长期以来一直是年轻精英的灌输中心，但现在随着罗德奖学金计划的到位，标准化已经达到了一个新的水平。新计划主要向盎格鲁撒克逊国家大家庭的年轻人才提供奖学金，罗兹渴望看到这些国家重新纳入雅利安人的保护伞之下。出于类似目的，费边社成立了伦敦经济学院（LSE）。伦敦经济学院和牛津大学在整个 20 世纪中携手合作，打造帝国变革的推动者。Much of the dirty work conducted by the original Roundtable movement was run primarily by the group of young Oxford men who got their start managing imperial affairs under Milner during the Boer War suppression of the Transvaal (South African) uprising of 1899 to 1902.  Of this Kindergarden, Philip Kerr and Lionel Curtis were tasked with coordinating the Canadian branches from London (with Parkin and Peacock leading from Canada). While Oxford had long been the indoctrination center of young elites for centuries prior, now with the Rhodes Scholarship program in place, a new level of standardization had been initiated.  The new program provided scholarships to young talent primarily throughout the Anglo Saxon family of nations which Rhodes yearned to see re-absorbed under one Aryan umbrella. The Fabian Society had founded the London School of Economics (LSE) for similar purposes. Both the LSE and Oxford have worked hand in hand at crafting agents of imperial change throughout the entire 20^世纪th（16）。 century (16).

每位学生在被选中后，都将获得牛津大学的奖学金、丰厚的助学金，以及进入统治寡头社交网络上层的红地毯待遇，如果学生愿意的话。每个学生回到祖国后都怀着实现大英帝国目标和推进“社会科学管理”的强烈愿望。他们的才能在民选公职、公务员、媒体、法律、私营部门或学术界的工作中得以体现。在多数情况下，这些学者采用费边的“渗透理论”方法……慢慢地渗透到社会控制结构的各个层面，以塑造观念，并将控制大众行为的无形结构从进步和对真理的热爱转向物质主义的斗争。生存。每年，加拿大各省（PEI 除外）都会获得一份奖学金，而美国则有 32 份奖学金获得。迄今为止，已经向非雅利安国家提供了大约 7000 个奖学金，以服务于帝国议程。Each student, upon selection, would be provided a scholarship to Oxford University, a generous stipend, and red carpet treatment into the upper echelons of the ruling oligarchical social networks, if the student so willed. Each student was returned to their home country enflamed with a burning desire to fulfill the objectives of the British Empire and advance “the scientific management of society”. Their talents were expressed either in elected office, working in the civil service, media, law, the private sector or in academia. In most cases, these scholars acted upon the Fabian method of ‘permeation theory’… slowly permeating all levels of society’s controlling structures in order to shape perception and shift the invisible structures controlling mass behaviour away from a current of progress and love of truth and towards a materialistic struggle for survival. Each year, one scholarship was granted to each of the Canadian provinces  (with the exception of P.E.I) and 32 were granted to the United States. To the present date, approximately 7000 scholarships have been awarded with increasing openness to the non-Aryan countries to service the imperial agenda.

马特·埃雷特的见解Matt Ehret's Insights

阴谋学中的历史分析、地缘政治、文化战争和其他研究Historical analysis, geopolitics, cultural warfare and other studies in Conspiracy Science

作者：马修·埃雷特By Matthew Ehret

 

米尔尼派文森特·梅西与加拿大寡头主义的重生The Milnerite Vincent Massey and the Rebirth of Canadian Oligarchism

 

虽然加拿大的实验长期以来一直受到家庭契约等寡头制度推动的忠诚（反共和）倾向的束缚（17），但加拿大从未像英国那样拥有一个自给自足的统治阶级。时至今日，以伦敦为中心、忠于巴比伦传统的寡头政治，被皇室视为“一切荣誉的源泉”，整个英联邦的所有法律和实际权威都源于此。这是加拿大不同代寡头政治的塑造模式。同样，美国寡头集团也倾向于遵循类似的组织模式，其家族由王室代理人招募，如洛克菲勒家族、摩根家族、哈里曼和杜邦只是围绕英国王室领导的体系塑造了自己的价值观和行为习惯，根本不代表任何本质上的“美国”。如果没有对大英帝国有更深入的了解，任何试图从“国际银行家阴谋”甚至“美帝国主义”的偏见来评价历史的尝试都注定会失败。While the Canadian experiment has long been trapped by its loyalist (anti-republican) tendencies fueled by such oligarchical systems as the Family Compact (17), Canada has never had a self-contained ruling class as witnessed in the case of Britain. To this present day, the London centered oligarchy loyal to Babylonian traditions, is expressed by the imperial crown as the “fount of all honours” from which all legal and actual authority across the Commonwealth emanates. This has been the model upon which different generations of the Canadian oligarchy have been shaped. Similarly, the American oligarchy has tended to follow a similar model of organization with families recruited by the Crown’s agents such as the Rockefellers, Morgans, Harrimans and Duponts who have merely shaped their values and customs of behaviour around the system led by the British Crown, and represent nothing at all intrinsically “American”. All attempts to evaluate history from the bias of “an international bankers conspiracy” or even “American imperialism” without this higher understanding of the British Empire is thus doomed to failure.

文森特·马西 (Vincent Massey) 是罗德网络中形成加拿大寡头政治特征和结构以及加拿大大众文化的核心人物之一。梅西是乔治·帕金的女婿，乔治·帕金遵循达尔文的“与最好的人一起繁衍”的法令，将他的四个女儿嫁给了圆桌会议和牛津大学的领军人物。出生于富裕的哈特-梅西家族王朝的梅西成为圆桌会议的早期成员，与加拿大圆桌会议联合创始人阿瑟·格莱兹布鲁克 (Arthur Glazebrook) 一起于 1911 年在安大略省设立了分支机构。格莱兹布鲁克非常钦佩帕金，甚至将他的名字命名为圆桌会议儿子乔治·帕金·德·特文布罗克·格莱兹布鲁克 (George Parkin de Twenebroker Glazebrook) 本人是巴利奥尔学院的罗德学者，到 1930 年代末与梅西一起帮助管理这个组织，并在第二次世界大战期间领导加拿大特勤局。One of the central figures in the Rhodes network in forming the character and structure of the Canadian oligarchy, as well as the general mass culture of Canada is a man named Vincent Massey. Massey is the son-in-law of George Parkin, who, following the Darwinian edict of “breeding with the best” married his four daughters to leading Round Table and Oxford men. Massey, born into the wealthy Hart-Massey family dynasty became an early recruit to the Round Table, working alongside Canadian Round Table co-founder Arthur Glazebrook in setting up a branch in Ontario in 1911. Glazebrook admired Parkin so much that he even named his son George Parkin de Twenebroker Glazebrook, himself a Rhodes Scholar of Balliol who went on to help run this group alongside Massey by the late 1930s and would head the Canadian secret service during World War II. Arthur Glazebrook wrote a shining letter of recommendation to Milner upon Massey’s departure for studies at Oxford’s Balliol College on Aug. 11, 1911:

“我已经给你写了一封介绍信给一位名叫文森特·马西的年轻人。他大约 23 或 24 岁，非常富裕，对圆桌会议以及与青少年团体的最宝贵的帮助充满热情……他将回到巴利奥尔的家，参加为期两年的历史课程，已经在多伦多大学获得了学位。两年结束后，他希望返回加拿大并从事某种严肃的工作，要么担任大学教授，要么从事其他一些不赚钱的工作。我对他非常依恋，希望你能偶尔和他谈谈。我认为抓住这些一流的加拿大年轻人非常重要，而且我知道你们对年轻人有多大的影响力。我希望他能够通过知识成为一名米尔纳教徒”（18）“I have given a letter of introduction to you to a young man called Vincent Massey. He is about 23 or 24 years of age, very well off, and full of enthusiasm for the most invaluable assistance in the Roundtable and in connection with the junior groups… He is going home to Balliol, for a two year course in history, having already taken his degree at the Toronto University. At the end of his two years he expects to return to Canada and take up some kind of serious work, either as a professor at the university or at some other non-money making pursuit. I have become really very attached to him and I hope you will give him an occasional talk. I think it so important to get hold of these first rate young Canadians, and I know what a power you have over young men. I should like to feel that he could become definitely by knowledge a Milnerite” (18)

 

 

 

 

返回加拿大后，梅西在圆桌会议中的地位迅速上升，于 1925 年成为皇家枢密院议员，然后在 1926 年率领代表团出席帝国会议，此时他的圆桌会议成员贝尔福勋爵通过了《贝尔福宣言》作为安抚的手段许多殖民地的民族主义情绪高涨，争取脱离祖国独立。随后，梅西成为加拿大首任驻美国部长（又名：大使）（1926-1930 年），在那里他与以外交关系委员会为中心的情报机构周围的控制机构协调政策。梅西的官方传记作者（1958-1971 年担任多伦多大学校长）克劳德·比塞尔 (Claude Bissel) 在华盛顿期间指出，他是“真理之家”的常客，美国圆桌会议思想的大本营，容纳了沃尔特·利普曼 (Walter Lipmann)、费利克斯·法兰克福特 (Felix Frankter)、洛林·克里斯蒂 (Loring Christie)、尤斯塔斯·珀西 (Eustace Percy) 等杰出人物，并经常邀请最高法院法官奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯 (Oliver Wendell Holmes) 和麦克乔治·邦迪 (McGeorge Bundy) 等嘉宾。这些人物大多数都是隶属于外交关系委员会（皇家国际事务研究所美国分会）的铁杆优生学家，致力于推进英国领导的“英美帝国”的计划。牛津大学的洛林·克里斯蒂（Loring Christie）和休姆·沃恩（Hume Wrong）都在此期间被招募为梅西大学的幕僚，并在战后加拿大外交政策的接管中发挥了重要作用。休谟的父亲乔治·错误也是加拿大圆桌会议和梅西盟友中颇具影响力的执行成员。洛林·克里斯蒂、尤斯塔斯·珀西，以及最高法院法官奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯和麦克乔治·邦迪等常客。这些人物大多数都是隶属于外交关系委员会（皇家国际事务研究所美国分会）的铁杆优生学家，致力于推进英国领导的“英美帝国”的计划。牛津大学的洛林·克里斯蒂（Loring Christie）和休姆·沃恩（Hume Wrong）都在此期间被招募为梅西大学的幕僚，并在战后加拿大外交政策的接管中发挥了重要作用。休谟的父亲乔治·错误也是加拿大圆桌会议和梅西盟友中颇具影响力的执行成员。洛林·克里斯蒂、尤斯塔斯·珀西，以及最高法院法官奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯和麦克乔治·邦迪等常客。这些人物大多数都是隶属于外交关系委员会（皇家国际事务研究所美国分会）的铁杆优生学家，致力于推进英国领导的“英美帝国”的计划。牛津大学的洛林·克里斯蒂（Loring Christie）和休姆·沃恩（Hume Wrong）都在此期间被招募为梅西大学的幕僚，并在战后加拿大外交政策的接管中发挥了重要作用。休谟的父亲乔治·错误也是加拿大圆桌会议和梅西盟友中颇具影响力的执行成员。这些人物大多数都是隶属于外交关系委员会（皇家国际事务研究所美国分会）的铁杆优生学家，致力于推进英国领导的“英美帝国”的计划。牛津大学的洛林·克里斯蒂（Loring Christie）和休姆·沃恩（Hume Wrong）都在此期间被招募为梅西大学的幕僚，并在战后加拿大外交政策的接管中发挥了重要作用。休谟的父亲乔治·错误也是加拿大圆桌会议和梅西盟友中颇具影响力的执行成员。这些人物大多数都是隶属于外交关系委员会（皇家国际事务研究所美国分会）的铁杆优生学家，致力于推进英国领导的“英美帝国”的计划。牛津大学的洛林·克里斯蒂（Loring Christie）和休姆·沃恩（Hume Wrong）都在此期间被招募为梅西大学的幕僚，并在战后加拿大外交政策的接管中发挥了重要作用。休谟的父亲乔治·错误也是加拿大圆桌会议和梅西盟友中颇具影响力的执行成员。在此期间，休姆·沃恩和休姆·沃恩都被招入梅西的工作人员，并在战后加拿大外交政策的接管中发挥了重要作用。休谟的父亲乔治·错误也是加拿大圆桌会议和梅西盟友中颇具影响力的执行成员。在此期间，休姆·沃恩和休姆·沃恩都被招入梅西的工作人员，并在战后加拿大外交政策的接管中发挥了重要作用。休谟的父亲乔治·错误也是加拿大圆桌会议和梅西盟友中颇具影响力的执行成员。Upon his return to Canada, Massey quickly rose in the ranks of the Roundtable, becoming Crown Privy Councillor in 1925, then leading a delegation in 1926 at the Imperial Conference at which point his fellow Roundtabler Lord Balfour passed the Balfour Declaration as a means of appeasing the nationalist sentiment hot in many colonies striving for independence from the mother country. Massey then became Canada’s first Minister (aka: ambassador) to the United States (1926-1930), where he coordinated policy with controlling institutions around the intelligence institutions centered around the Council on Foreign Relations. During his time in Washington, Massey’s official biographer (and University of Toronto President from 1958-1971) Claude Bissel points out that he was a frequent guest in “The House of Truth”, a stronghold of Round Table ideas in the United States housing such luminaries as Walter Lipmann, Felix Frankfurter, Loring Christie, Eustace Percy, and featuring such frequent guests as Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, and McGeorge Bundy. Most of these characters were hardcore eugenicists affiliated with the Council on Foreign Relations (the American branch of the Royal Institute for International Affairs) advancing the program of a British-led “Anglo-American Empire”. Oxford men Loring Christie, and Hume Wrong were both recruited to Massey’s staff during this period and played important roles in the postwar takeover of Canadian foreign policy. Hume’s father George Wrong was also an influential executive member of the Canadian Round Table and Massey ally.

梅西被派往华盛顿后，曾担任加拿大自由联邦主席（1932-1935 年），然后担任加拿大驻伦敦高级专员（1935-1946 年）。正是在这次经历之后不久，梅西被指派发起一系列皇家委员会（1949-1951）中的第二个委员会，致力于摧毁美国体系在心灵、思想、政治-艺术-科学结构或经济行为中挥之不去的情绪。加拿大，并根据自己扭曲的形象重建加拿大身份。这一行动具有双重效果，减轻了洛克菲勒和卡内基基金会塑造加拿大身份的财务责任（19）。作为出色工作的象征，梅西随后成为第一位出生于加拿大的总督（1952-1959 年）。在他的职业生涯中，梅西曾担任上加拿大学院和多伦多大学的州长，并创办了一所以牛津万灵学院为蓝本的大学，名为梅西学院（f.1962）。与万灵学院一样，梅西学院也是加拿大主要大学各种业务的中央协调节点。Massey’s Washington deployment was followed by a stint as President of the Liberal Federation of Canada (1932-1935), and then Canadian High Commissioner to London (1935-1946). It was soon after this experience that Massey was assigned to unleash the second of a series of Royal Commissions (1949-1951) dedicated to destroy any lingering sentiments of the American System within the hearts, minds, political-artistic-scientific structures or economic behaviour of Canada, and reconstruct the Canadian identity based on his own twisted image. This operation had the dual effect of relieving responsibility from the Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations financial responsibility for crafting the Canadian identity (19). As a token for a job well done, Massey then became the first Canadian-born Governor General (1952-1959). During his career, Massey served as Governor for Upper Canada College, and the University of Toronto, as well as founder of a university modeled on All Souls, Oxford called Massey College (f.1962). Like All Souls, Massey College serves as a central coordinating node for various operations run through the major universities in Canada.

通过他的各种政治立场，梅西竭尽全力招募尽可能多的圆桌运动和罗德信托网络的代理人，让他们在加拿大公务员、文化控制和学术界担任要职。同一时期的美国，罗德学者纷纷涌入各种有影响力的权威职位，其中特别关注的是国务院，以便准备征用罗斯福的新政计划，并在第一时间将其转变为凯恩斯主义的噩梦。机会。这些行动导致大英帝国第三次尝试实现其议程，而 1902 年至 1933 年间的前两次尝试基本上都失败了 (20)。在继续我们的报告之前，应该先简要回顾一下前两个问题。Through his various political positions, Massey pulled every string possible to recruit as many agents of the Roundtable Movement and Rhodes Trust networks into prominent positions within the Canadian civil service, cultural control, and academia. During this same period in the United States, Rhodes scholars had swarmed into various influential positions of authority, with a special focus on the State Department, in order to prepare to commandeer Roosevelt’s New Deal program and convert it into a Keynesian nightmare at the first available opportunity. These operations resulted in a third attempt by the British Empire to achieve an agenda that had largely failed in its first two attempts between 1902 and 1933 (20). It is proper to briefly go through the first two before continuing with our report.

第一次尝试失败：帝国联盟 1911-1923The First Attempt Fails: Imperial Union 1911-1923

 

世界政府议程取代主权原则作为世界事务基础的第一个体现是帝国联盟论文，圆桌会议最初就是围绕该论文创建的。这涉及到在一个帝国下建立一个统一的国家联盟，其中各个殖民地的代表可以在帝国议会中拥有代表，就像今天将国家束缚在“三驾马车”之下的欧盟结构一样。这种结构下的明显使命是让“经济保皇派”统治的美国参与其中，罗斯福称这些人早在 1776 年就应该离开这个国家。在议会结构下，尽管其官僚性质允许，但民主的幻想只不过存在寡头统治的最佳控制。The First incarnation of the World Government agenda to supersede the principle of sovereignty as the basis for world affairs had been the Imperial Union thesis around which the Roundtable had first been created. This involved the creation of a Federation of nations united under one empire, in which representatives of various colonies could hold representatives within an Imperial Parliament, much like the European Union structure chaining nations under the Troika today. The obvious mission under this structure was the participation of the United States ruled by the “economic royalists” of whom Roosevelt said should have left the nation back in 1776. Under Parliamentary structures, little more than an illusion of democracy exists while its bureaucratic nature permits for optimal control by a ruling oligarchy.

到第一次世界大战结束时，圆桌会议内部的力量担心该计划的失败，并决定致力于国际联盟的原则，从而可以实现基本上相同的结果，但通过不同的手段。在这种转变下，圆桌会议被安排逐步淘汰，以取代新的东西。1931年，米尔纳幼儿园的两位年迈的园长互相写信，将这个问题摆在桌面上，甚至提出了一个解决方案：By the end of World War I, forces within the Round Table were dreading the failure of this program, and had resolved to dedicate themselves instead to the League of Nations doctrine in its stead whereby essentially the same outcome could be achieved, but through different means. Under this changing of gears, it was arranged that the Round Table be phased out in place of something new. Two aging controllers of Milner’s Kindergarten writing to each other in 1931 laid this problem squarely on the table and even proposed a solution:

“作为兄弟，我们对帝国失去了兴趣，也不再有能力应对它。因此，我认为，如果《圆桌会议》要继续下去，它绝对应该改变它的性质，删除它的副标题，并成为目前更适合的与皇家研究所有关的出版物。国际事务的……圆桌运动的所有核心和灵魂都在逐渐消失，我真的不知道我们现在代表什么特别的东西。” (21)“As a brotherhood we have lost interest in the Empire and are no longer competent to deal with it. I think, therefore, that if The Round Table is to go on, it should quite definitely change its character, remove its subtitle, and become, what it is much more fitted to become at the present time, a publication connected with the Royal Institute of International Affairs… all the heart and soul of The Round Table movement is petering out and I really don’t know that we stand for anything in particular nowadays.” (21)

正是考虑到其最初蓝图的失败，圆桌运动开始转变为新的服装，于 1919 年成立了皇家国际事务研究所 (RIIA)，随后立即在美国设立了分支机构，标题为外交关系委员会和国际太平洋研究所的成员。卡罗尔·奎格利 (Carrol Quigley) 证明，CFR 和 IPI 的成员来自 RIIA、CIIA，而资金则通过洛克菲勒基金会、卡内基基金会和 RIIA 提供。这些组织及其成员虽然名义上是美国名字，但都是英国人。It was with this failure of its original blueprint in mind that the Roundtable Movement began a conversion into its new costume with the creation of the Royal Institute for International Affairs (RIIA) in 1919, followed immediately thereafter with branches in the United States under the heading of the Council on Foreign Relations and International Pacific Institute. Carrol Quigley demonstrates that the CFR and IPI featured crossovers of members from the RIIA, CIIA, while funding was provided through the Rockefeller Foundation, Carnegie Foundation and RIIA. While possessing nominally American names, these organizations and their members were fully British.

第二次尝试的失败：1923-1930 年圆桌会议的转变The Failure of the Second Attempt: The Round Table Transformed 1923-1930

 

RIIA、CFR 和 IPI 均通过洛克菲勒基金会和卡内基基金会的巨额资助获得资金，而这些基金会本身只是作为金融工具而设立的，以在 1910 年圆桌运动揭幕的同时推进大英帝国的议程。这是其中的两个用于资助优生法的核心基础和基于统计的“科学”前提证明其政治实施的合理性。奎格利在他的著作中记录了这些“慈善”组织向其伦敦控制者提供的广泛的财政支持。Both the RIIA, CFR and IPI were financed through large grants by the Rockefeller and Carnegie foundations which themselves were set up merely as financial instruments to further the British Imperial agenda at the same time the Round Table Movement was unveiled in 1910. These were two of the core foundations which had been used to finance eugenics laws and the statistics-based “scientific” premises justifying their political implementation. Quigley documents in his works the extensive array of financial support which these “philanthropic” organizations bestowed upon their London controllers.

由于自由党在麦肯齐·金 (Mackenzie King) 的领导下重新掌权，加拿大的渗透并没有按照一些 RIIA 特工所希望的速度进行。事实上，由于奥斯卡·斯克尔顿（Oscar Skelton）和国王司法部长欧内斯特·拉普安特（Ernest Lapointe）等主要劳里尔自由党人士在著名的1923年帝国会议上的影响，最后一次将圆桌论文强加给帝国联盟的尝试以这种形式失败了。1925 年，圆桌会议负责人菲利普·科尔（又名：洛锡安勋爵）在拉普安特和斯克尔顿的指导下，用以下措辞描述了加拿大的反英局势：Due to the regaining of power of the Liberal Party, now under the leadership of Mackenzie King, the Canadian infiltration was not happening at the pace which some RIIA operatives would have liked. In fact, due to the influence of key Laurier Liberals such as Oscar Skelton and King’s Justice Minister Ernest Lapointe in the famous Imperial Conference of 1923, the last attempt to impose the Round Table thesis for Imperial Union was defeated in that form. By 1925, Roundtable controller Philip Kerr (aka: Lord Lothian) wrote of the anti-British situation in Canada guided by Lapointe and Skelton in the following terms:

“目前加拿大的情况恐怕不如美国……我什至在某些地方发现了某种感觉，海归学者自称罗德学者是一个错误，最好的办法是他们应该融入人群并忘记他们不愉快的过去！” (22)“I am afraid that things in Canada are not at present as satisfactory as they are in the United States… I even found in places a certain feeling that it was a mistake for returned scholars to avow themselves as Rhodes scholars and that the best would be that they should merge themselves in the population and forget their unhappy past!” (22)

 

 

1925 年，劳里尔的朋友和传记作者、首相威廉·里昂·麦肯齐·金的长期朋友和值得信赖的合作者 OD·斯克尔顿 (OD Skelton) 被任命为外交部副部长。也正是在这个时候，对罗德学者渗透到国家政策指导地位的抵制也开始顽固地开始了。In 1925, O.D. Skelton, Laurier’s friend and biographer, as well as long time friend and trusted collaborator of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, was made Undersecretary of External Affairs. It was also at this time that resistance to Rhodes Scholar penetration into guiding positions of national policy was obstinately begun.

1922 年恰纳克危机期间，英国要求加拿大派遣军队参与英国与土耳其的近乎战争，加拿大拒绝了英国的要求，从此加拿大与英国外交政策的合作基本上就结束了。在随后的整个 1920 年代的帝国会议中，斯克尔顿领导的劳里尔自由党拉普安特继续侧翼并拒绝各种约束帝国联邦或国际联盟之间外交政策的尝试。与自由爱尔兰国家领导人合作反对帝国政策是加拿大爱国者成功抵御圆桌会议的关键。Canadian cooperation with British foreign policy largely came undone beginning with the Canadian rejection of Britain’s demands that Canada commit its forces to Britain’s near-war with Turkey during the Chanak Crisis of 1922. In subsequent Imperial Conferences throughout the 1920s, the Laurier Liberals led by Skelton and Lapointe went on to flank and reject various attempts at binding foreign policy between Imperial Federation or the League of Nations. Collaboration with leaders of the Free Irish State against Imperial policy was key in the success of the Canadian patriots’ fending off the Round Table.

麦肯齐·金的失败人格Mackenzie King’s Failed Personality

 

梅西的传记作者经常提到他自己对斯克尔顿的不满，他认为斯克尔顿是他自己和总理之间的障碍，只要没有具有地缘战略洞察力的人在他附近，他通常可以操纵这个人（23）。由于马丁·路德·金日益缺乏与英国外交政策的合作，梅西的妹夫、圆桌会议成员威廉·格兰特在 1925 年引用了以下这段话：Massey’s biographers have commonly referenced his own frustration with Skelton whom he saw as a barrier between himself and the Prime Minister, a man who he could generally manipulate as long as no one with geostrategic insight was near him (23). King’s increasing lack of cooperation with British Foreign policy resulted in the following quote by Massey brother-in-law, and Round Table member William Grant in 1925:

“由于两个原因，很难给他（国王）留下永久的印象。1) 他是我所认识的最自私的人，这种自私被浓浓的感伤主义所掩盖。因此，他会为了自己的野心牺牲任何人或任何东西，然后为此哭泣。2) 他的头脑像水母一样缺乏锋利。对你来说幸运的是，他拥有真正的尊严，尽管相当虚弱的口才，如果进行大量的演讲，也不会造成什么伤害”（24）“It is very difficult to make a permanent impression on him [King] for two reasons. 1) He is as selfish a man as I have ever known, the selfishness disguised by a thick smear of sentimentalism. He will, therefore, sacrifice anyone or anything to his ambition, and then sob about it. 2) He has a mind as lacking in edge as a jellyfish. Fortunately for you he has a real fund of dignified, though rather windy eloquence, and will do little harm if given plenty of speeches to make” (24)

格兰特的引言很有启发性，因为它让读者深入了解金的独特性格缺陷，这将玷污他的一生。也就是说，他的“他人导向”这个可悲的事实，使得他倾向于挫败那些希望利用他达到自己邪恶目的的邪恶影响力，而这些影响力往往会被试图以其他方式影响他的善良影响力所挫败。无论好坏，金从来都不是自己的人，但最终是一个以母亲为主导的神秘主义者，永远无法割断他与君主制的意识形态联系。他可能是一个对崇高事业有着深刻个人信念的人……但就像席勒的The Grant quote is instructive as it provides the reader an insight into the singular character flaw of King which would taint him his entire life. That is, the pitiful fact of his “other-directedness”, such that his tendency to frustrate evil influences who wished to use him for their own nefarious ends was frequently balanced by the frustration of good influences who tried to influence him the other way. For good or for ill, King was never his own man but was, in the end, a mother-dominated mystic who could never sever his ideological affiliations with the Monarchy. He may have been a man of deep personal conviction in a higher cause… but like the poor Venetian Prince in Schiller’s 《幽灵先知》中可怜的威尼斯王子一样，“The Ghost Seer”,他的信念从来都不是他自己的。1940 年斯克尔顿去世后，金神经质的不安全感表现在他因斯克尔顿专横的影响力而获得解放时感到如释重负 his convictions were never his own. After the death of Skelton in 1940, King’s neurotic insecurity would express itself in his relief to be liberated by Skelton’s domineering influence：“在这些问题上，我经常因为来自斯克尔顿和我的工作人员的压力而无法遵循自己的判断和智慧。”我下定决心，今后不再屈服于任何此类事情”（25）。: “I have frequently been thrown off following my own judgement and wisdom in these matters by pressure from Skelton and the staff that I made up my mind I would not henceforth yield to anything of the kind” (25).一年后，金在另一篇日记中写道： In another diary entry a year later, King wrote: “斯克尔顿去世的影响之一是让我更强烈地表达自己的观点”。(26)“One of the effects of Skelton’s passing will be to make me express my own views much more strongly”. (26)

金的亲君主主义倾向永久地将他的作案方式与他所尊重的那些影响分开，这在斯克尔顿和金在两次帝国会议期间的日记记录中得到了证明：“我捍卫最终的独立，而他[国王]反对”，而在另一次帝国King’s pro-monarchist inclinations permanently schismed his modus operandi from those influences who he otherwise respected, evidenced in the following diary recordings of Skelton and King during two Imperial Conferences: 会议“I defend ultimate independence, which he [King] opposes”, 上在会议上，金后来写道：while after another conference, King later wrote: “[斯克尔顿]内心反对大英帝国，但我不是。我相信更大的整体，各部分完全独立，通过在所有共同目标上的合作而团结起来”。(27)“[Skelton] is at heart against the British Empire, which I am not. I believe in the larger whole, with complete independence of the parts united by cooperation in all common ends”. (27)

查塔姆研究所来到加拿大Chatham House Comes to Canada

 

 

 

RIIA 的加拿大分会（又名：“查塔姆研究所”）于 1928 年才成立（与澳大利亚分会同时成立），主要是为了回应劳里尔自由党对金的反圆桌会议倾向。CIIA 的首任主席正是加拿大前总理、共济会奥兰治人罗伯特·博登爵士 (Sir Robert Borden)。它的第二任主席是牛顿·罗威尔（Newton Rowell），他后来成为加拿大律师协会主席，并在 1935 年至 1937 年担任失败的罗威尔-西罗伊斯皇家委员会主席 (28)。约瑟夫·弗拉维尔爵士 (Sir Joseph Flavelle) 和文森特·马西 (Vincent Massey) 担任副总裁，乔治·帕金·德·T·格莱兹布鲁克 (George Parkin de T. Glazebrook) 担任名誉秘书。其他创始成员包括金融家、后来的保守党内阁官员 JM Macdonnell、卡内基基金会受托人 NAM Mackenzie、UCC 主席 William Grant、罗德学者 George Raleigh Parkin、金融家埃德加·塔尔、记者 JW·达福和亨利·安格斯。罗利·帕金、格兰特和麦克唐纳还与文森特·马西是妹夫，也是乔治·帕金的女婿。1933 年，通过梅西基金会（该基金会是洛克菲勒基金会的迷你克隆）的捐赠，CIIA 聘请了第一位常务秘书埃斯科特·里德 (Escott Reid)。里德是一位罗德学者，狂热地致力于通过国际联盟对世界政府??的承诺，他的以下言论表达了这一点：CIIA 聘请了第一位常任秘书长埃斯科特·里德 (Escott Reid)。里德是一位罗德学者，狂热地致力于通过国际联盟对世界政府??的承诺，他的以下言论表达了这一点：CIIA 聘请了第一位常任秘书长埃斯科特·里德 (Escott Reid)。里德是一位罗德学者，狂热地致力于通过国际联盟对世界政府??的承诺，他的以下言论表达了这一点：The Canadian branch of the RIIA (aka:’ Chatham House’) was created only in 1928, (at the same time as its Australian counterpart) largely as a response to the anti-Round Table tendencies of the Laurier Liberals upon King. The CIIA’s first President was none other than former Canadian Prime Minister and Masonic Orangeman Sir Robert Borden. Its second president was Newton Rowell, who later became president of the Canadian Bar Association, and chaired the failed Rowell-Sirois Royal Commission of 1935-1937 (28). Sir Joseph Flavelle and Vincent Massey were Vice Presidents and George Parkin de T. Glazebrook was honorary secretary. Other founding members were financier and later Conservative Party Cabinet official J.M. Macdonnell, Carnegie Foundation Trustee N.A.M. Mackenzie, UCC President William Grant, Rhodes Scholar George Raleigh Parkin, financier Edgar Tarr, journalist J.W. Dafoe, and Henry Angus. Raleigh Parkin, Grant and Macdonnell also had the distinction of being brothers-in-law with Vincent Massey, and sons-in-law of George Parkin. In 1933, through a donation from the Massey Foundation (which served as a mini clone of the Rockefeller Foundation), the CIIA hired its first Permanent Secretary named Escott Reid. Reid was a Rhodes scholar fanatically governed by a commitment to world government through the League of Nations, expressed by his following remarks:

“对于加拿大来说，将其是否应该发动战争的决定交给一个它所代表的国际机构，比将做出这一决定的权利从渥太华政府转移给加拿大政府更容易、更自尊。因此，加拿大和美国之间的有效军事合作似乎只有在加拿大和美国都是其忠实成员的有效世界秩序的框架内才有可能。” (29)“It would be easier and more self respecting for Canada to give up to an international body on which it was represented, the decision on which it should go to war than to transfer the right to make that decision from the government in Ottawa to the government in Washington.. It would thus appear probable that effective military cooperation between Canada and the United States is possible only within the framework of an effective world order of which both Canada and the United States are loyal members.” (29)

CIIA 成立五年后，由与 CIIA 相关的类似网络成立了一个名为加拿大公共事务研究所 (CIPA) 的附属组织，以制定国家内部政策，而 CIIA 则专注于加拿大的外交政策。最初的主讲人是 CIIA 的诺曼·麦肯齐 (Norman Mackenzie) 和新成立的 CCF 党的优生学领袖 JS Woodsworth。又过了 20 年，两个组织才开始联合主办会议。如今，CIPA 以 Couchiching 会议的形式存在，其定期洗脑研讨会已在加拿大广播公司 (CBC) 播出 70 多年。The five years after the CIIA was established, an affiliate organization was founded called the Canadian Institute for Public Affairs (CIPA) by similar networks associated with the CIIA, in order to shape national internal policy while the CIIA focused upon Canada’s foreign policy. Original featured speakers were the CIIA’s Norman Mackenzie, and the eugenicist leader of the newly created CCF Party J.S. Woodsworth. It would be another 20 years before both organizations began to jointly host conferences together. Today, CIPA exists in the form of the Couchiching Conferences and their regular brainwashing seminars have been broadcast across the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) for over 70 years.

CIPA 隶属于基督教青年会 (YMCA)，基督教青年会本身是英国经营的主要灌输资产，因为它专注于通过世界各地的会议和研讨会传播其意识形态。正是通过这个网络，年轻的莫里斯·斯特朗被招募，并在后来的几年里晋升到管理寡头事务的最高层。The CIPA was affiliated with the YMCA, itself a major British-run indoctrination asset as it focused spreading its ideology on conferences, and workshops the world over. It was through this network that a young Maurice Strong was recruited and rose to the highest echelons of the management of the oligarchy’s affairs in later years.

1932-1935：美国新政粉碎国际联盟1932-1935: America’s New Deal Crushes the League of Nations

 

1932 年罗斯福上台之前，美国财政部长安德鲁·梅隆等英国华尔街特工人为制造的房地产泡沫破裂引发了四年的大萧条，导致美国陷入崩溃。正是在这个充满恐惧和匮乏的时期，美国民众最容易上当受骗，他们基本上接受了这样的宣传：移民和不良基因是这些痛苦岁月中犯罪猖獗的原因。绝大多数绝育法的通过和法西斯同情心的培养都是在这段恐惧时期发生的。Before FDR came to power in 1932, the United States was brought to its knees after four years of Great Depression itself induced by the blowout of a housing bubble built up artificially by British-Wall Street agents such as U.S. Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon. It was during this time of fear and want that the American population was at its most gullible, largely accepting the propaganda that immigration and bad genes were the cause of the rampant criminality in these painful years. The vast majority of the sterilization laws passed and fascist sympathy cultivated occurred during this time of fear.

富兰克林·罗斯福号召民众支持这一战斗口号，“除了恐惧本身，没有什么可害怕的，并通过实施格拉斯-斯蒂格尔法案和激活重建金融公司发行的公共信贷，将放债人赶出了圣殿。在加拿大（尤其是在美国）运营网络的 RIIA 必须重新调整其计划。人们重新相信主权政府有能力通过激活美国体系原则来实现渐进变革，这一信念正在消失，即世界政府是确保和平的唯一选择。然而，一个帝国的变革并不总是那么容易，在投入了数十年精力重新征服美国之后，英国人做出了暴力镇压罗斯福的尝试。As Franklin Roosevelt rallied the population behind the battle cry “there is nothing to fear but fear itself, and kicked the money lenders out of the temple through the implementation of Glass-Steagall and the activation of public credit issued through the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. The RIIA running their networks in Canada and especially in the United States had to re-adjust their programs. The renewed faith in the powers of sovereign government in effecting progressive change by the activation of the American System principles were evaporating the belief that world government was the only option for peace to be ensured. However, change for an empire is not always easy, and after decades of investing energy into their reconquest of the United States, the British made a violent attempt to crush FDR.

1933 年，史沫特莱·巴特勒 (Smedley Butler) 将军公开揭露了华尔街支持的动用 50 万军团士兵发动政变反对罗斯福的企图，这一惊人的消息席卷了媒体 (30)。巴特勒将军公布的将自己任命为傀儡独裁者的计划在巴特勒的著名著作A startling revelation swept through the press in 1933 with General Smedley Butler’s public unveiling of the Wall Street-backed attempt to run a coup d’état against Roosevelt using 500 000 legionnaires (30). General Butler’s unveiling of the plan to install himself as puppet dictator was recounted in Butler’s famous book 《战争是骗局》（31）中进行了叙述。“War is a Racket” (31). 这次未遂政变发生在共济会刺杀罗斯福的阴谋遭到挫败后，导致芝加哥市长塞尔马克被杀。This attempted coup had occurred mere months after the thwarted Masonic-run assassination plot to kill FDR which resulted in the killing of Mayor Cermak of Chicago.

正如皮埃尔·博德里 (Pierre Beaudry) 在其关于共治性的研究中所报告的那样：As Pierre Beaudry reported in his study on the Synarchy: “1934 年，在英国在欧洲推行纳粹的同时，共治主义者拉扎德·弗雷雷斯 (Lazard Freres) 和摩根大通 (JP Morgan) 在美国的金融利益正在上演，这绝非巧合。类似的针对富兰克林·D·罗斯福的法西斯独裁政变，使用了同样心怀不满的海外战争退伍军人组织以及部署到美国的法国火十字会的特工。他们最终未能夺取史沫特莱·巴特勒将军的领导权，后者公开谴责这一阴谋是法西斯政变，从而结束了美国的阴谋。” (32)“It was not a mere coincidence that, at the same time the British promoted the Nazis in Europe, in 1934, the synarchist Lazard Freres and J.P. Morgan financial interests in the United States were staging a similar fascist dictatorial coup against Franklin D. Roosevelt, using the same disgruntled Veterans of Foreign Wars groupings with operatives from the French Croix de Feu deployed to the United States. They ultimately failed to capture the leadership of General Smedley Butler, who ended the U.S. plot by publicly denouncing the conspiracy as the fascist coup that it was.”  (32)

在美国实施侵略性法西斯主义惨遭失败之后，就像在欧洲为大英帝国在华尔街的特工精心策划的大萧条经济困境的“解决方案”所做的那样，罗德网络决定，唯一的机会是击败罗斯福是通过旧的费边渗透和拉拢方法。人们不惜一切代价试图渗透新政机构，以便在罗斯福下台的第一个机会时，他们的全面拉拢能够相对无缝地发生。为此，费边社优生学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯的理论首先被用来模仿罗斯福计划的外在形式，但没有任何实质内容。After having failed miserably in applying aggressive fascism in America, as was being done in Europe as the “solution” to the economic woes of the depression orchestrated by agents of the British Empire on Wall Street, the Rhodes networks decided that the only chance to defeat FDR was through the old Fabian method of infiltration and co-option. Every attempt was made to infiltrate New Deal institutions at all costs such that their full co-opting could occur relatively seamlessly upon the first opportunity of Roosevelt’s fall from power. For this, leading Fabian Society eugenicist John Maynard Keynes’ theories were used to first mimic the outward form of Roosevelt’s program without any of the substance.

1932 年：加拿大罗德信托蜂巢发生转变1932: The Rhodes Trust Hive in Canada Shifts Gears

 

 

 

1932年罗斯福在美国上台之际，以埃斯科特·里德、弗兰克·安德希尔、尤金·福西、FR·斯科特和大卫·刘易斯为中心的加拿大罗德信托网络成立了一个自称为“费边模式智囊团”的专为加拿大定制的机构。社会重建联盟（LSR）。里德、福西、斯科特和刘易斯都是罗德学者，而安德希尔是牛津大学毕业的法边学者，在贝利奥尔学院接受哈罗德·拉斯基和 GB 肖的辅导。该组织公开宣称的意图是在费边戒律下建立一个“社会的科学管理”体系，并通过该组织选择另一位在牛津受训的费边教授 JS Woodsworth 来领导新的合作联邦联盟 (CCF) 来表达自己的意图。 LSR 的产物。CCF 在其 1933 年的《里贾纳宣言》中呼吁彻底摧毁资本主义。伍兹沃斯，一位公开宣称的优生学家，大力支持阿尔伯塔省 1927 年通过绝育法，以消除不健康者 (32)。遵循他的费边导师 HG Wells 和 GB Shaw 的福音，伍兹沃斯甚至主张废除个人财产。从本质上讲，CCF并不是典型的“社会主义”，而只是披着“科学”社会主义面孔的法西斯主义。Just as Roosevelt was coming to power in America in 1932, the Rhodes Trust networks of Canada centering on Escott Reid, Frank Underhill, Eugene Forsey, F.R. Scott, and David Lewis founded a self-described “Fabian modeled think tank” customized for Canada known as the League for Social Reconstruction (LSR). Reid, Forsey, Scott and Lewis were all Rhodes Scholars while Underhill was an Oxford trained Fabian who was tutored by Harold Laski and G.B. Shaw at Balliol College. The avowed intention of the group was to institute a system of “scientific management of society” under Fabian precepts and expressed itself in the group’s selecting of J.S. Woodsworth, another Oxford-trained Fabian, to head the new Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) as an outgrowth of the LSR. The CCF called for the complete destruction of capitalism in its Regina Manifesto of 1933. Woodsworth, an avowed eugenicist, vigorously endorsed the passage of Alberta’s 1927 sterilization laws to eliminate the unfit (32). Following the gospel of his Fabian mentors H.G. Wells and G.B. Shaw, Woodsworth even advocated the abolishment of personal property. At its heart the CCF was not your typical “socialism”, but merely fascism with a “scientific” socialist face.

CIIA 知道恐惧的暴民往往会陷入极端，因此创建新的左派和右派两极分化并没有产生应有的结果。按照帝国的逻辑，总理RB·贝内特（RB Bennett，1930-1935）领导的“右”翼保守党的惨败，应该在CCF成立时为激进的左转创造了条件。失业率超过 25%，货币紧缩政策抑制了仍然存在的少量生产，而贝内特典型的反美保守党立场阻碍了与美国增加贸易的任何潜力。Knowing that a fearful mob tends to fall into extremes, the CIIA’s creation of a new polarized left and right did not produce the result as it should have. Under the logic of empire, the abysmal failure of the “right” wing conservative party of Prime Minister R.B. Bennett (1930-1935), should have created the conditions for a radical left turn by the time the CCF had been formed. Unemployment was over 25%, money tightening policies were choking what little production still existed and Bennett’s typically anti-American Tory stance was blocking any potential for increasing trade with the United States.

但有些事情并不符合帝国的议程。虽然“科学社会主义”世界政府的政治种子正在加拿大迅速播下，但此类计划通过群众的选择自愿扎根所必需的文化恐惧和绝望已不复存在。事实上，每周在边境播出的罗斯福炉边谈话给加拿大民众带来了极大的鼓舞，报纸上散布着鼓舞人心的报道But something wasn’t working for the Empire’s agenda. While the political seeds for a “scientific socialist” world government were being planted on pace in Canada, the cultural fear and despair necessary for such programs to take root willingly by the choice of the masses were no longer in place. Indeed, the Canadian population was so inspired by the weekly Roosevelt Fireside Chats broadcast across the border, scattered with newspaper reports of inspiring

 

 

新政项目希望有一个更美好的未来，并在全国范围内解决大萧条的混乱局面，因此不会发生巨大的两极分化。如此一来，就避免了盲目接受由罗兹的噩梦特工所管理的伍兹沃斯-CCF科学独裁统治。New Deal projects, that hope for a better future and a national solution to the chaos of the Great Depression was close enough at hand such that no great polarization could occur. As such, the blind acceptance of a Woodsworth-CCF scientific dictatorship run by agents of Rhodes’s nightmare was avoided.

罗斯福在加拿大民众心目中的影响力甚至迫使RB贝内特领导的激进反美蓝保守党政府最终也不得不适应新政的语言，试图复制美国的计划，为挽救1935年大选做出最后的努力。 。这个德尔斐计划被称为贝内特的“加拿大新政”平台。该平台是失败的，因为贝内特制定的计划有两个严重错误：FDR’s power in the minds of the Canadian population forced even the radical anti-American blue-Tory Government of R.B. Bennett to eventually adapt to the language of the New Deal by trying to copy the U.S. program in a last ditch effort to save the 1935 election. This Delphic program was known as Bennett’s “New Deal for Canada” platform. The platform was a failure, as the program laid out by Bennett had two grave errors:

1）推行大量的社会福利提案（即：最低工资、健康保险、失业保险、扩大养老金计划、每周最低工作时间），但缺乏任何大规模的国家建设措施，这些措施定义了美国的成功并赋予了在福利措施方面，贝内特的山寨版只是简单地复制了形式，没有任何真正新政的实质内容。最接近基础设施项目的是奴隶制劳动力驱动的“工作营”，每天支付 25 美分，使用和虐待绝望的年轻人，以便零碎的道路和拼凑的建筑可以在没有任何国家使命的情况下进行 (33)。1) Promoting a vast array of social welfare proposals (ie: minimum wage, health insurance, unemployment insurance, expanded pension plan, minimum hours for the work week) but lacking any large scale nation building measures which defined the American success and gave meaning to the welfare measures, the Bennett knock-off simply copied the form without any of the substance of the true New Deal. The closest approximation to infrastructure programs involved slave labour driven “work camps” paying 25 cents per day which used and abused young desperate men so that piecemeal roads and patchwork building could occur devoid of any national mission (33).

2）罗斯福通过他对亚历山大·汉密尔顿和亚伯拉罕·林肯等美国制度思想家的理解而采用的国家信用体系在贝内特和他的公务员的头脑中完全不存在。虽然加拿大银行是在麦克米伦勋爵 (Lord Macmillan) 主持的广泛皇家委员会（始于 1933 年）之后于 1935 年以英国中央银行私有化体系为蓝本创建的，但其宪法和结构授权的目的仅仅是集中控制银行业务。在货币主义/会计原则的控制下管理现有的财富……而不是创造新的财富。该机构的设计本质上是货币主义/凯恩斯主义，而不是罗斯福主义。如果没有适当的美国式信用体系将信用与劳动生产力的增长联系起来，那么任何大型投资，即使是贝内特新政提出的肤浅投资，都注定会失败。1935 年保守党被自由党击败后，贝内特很快就永久退休到英国，并接受了子爵的贵族头衔。2) The national credit system employed by Roosevelt through his understanding of American System thinkers as Alexander Hamilton and Abraham Lincoln was entirely absent from the mind of Bennett and his civil servants. While the creation of the Bank of Canada modeled on the privatized system of England’s Central Bank, was established in 1935 after an extensive Royal Commission run by Lord Macmillan (begun in 1933), its constitutional and structural mandate was designed to merely centralize control for the management of already existent wealth under the control of monetarist/accounting principles… not the creation of new wealth. This institution was designed as inherently monetarist/Keynesian, NOT Rooseveltian.  Without a proper American styled credit system in place which tied credit to the increase of the productive powers of labour, then any large investments, even the superficial ones proposed by Bennett’s New Deal were doomed to failure. After the Conservative Party’s 1935 decimation at the hands of the Liberals, Bennett soon retired permanently to Britain, accepting a title of nobility as Viscount.

随着罗斯福统治下美国体系的复兴，我们可以看到为什么加拿大文化没有被诱导落入伦敦设置的蜘蛛网中。然而，我们尚未解释 CIIA/罗德信托网络在 20 世纪 30 年代剩余时间里如何无法完全接管加拿大外交政策。With a revival of the American System under Roosevelt, we can see why the Canadian culture was not induced to fall into the spider web set by London. However we have yet to explain how the CIIA/Rhodes Trust networks were prevented from fully taking over control of Canada’s foreign policy during the remainder of the 1930s.

劳里埃自由党再次崛起 1935 年至 1940 年The Laurier Liberals Rise again 1935-1940

 

1935年10月，仍在麦肯齐·金领导下的自由党在加拿大政坛重新掌权，试图在英国控制的左翼CCF和右翼保守党这两个极端中站稳脚跟。此时，文森特·马西 (Vincent Massey) 辞去了三年的自由党主席职务，转而担任驻英国高级专员的新职位，并任命莱斯特·B·皮尔逊 (Lester B. Pearson) 等牛津门生为他的私人秘书，以及罗德学者 (Rhodes Scholars)。乔治·伊格纳季耶夫和埃斯科特·里德。虽然大多数现代历史学家（通常隶属于 CIIA，如约翰·英格利希 (John English) 和杰克·格拉纳斯坦 (Jack Granatstein) (34)）都认为牛津人才涌入外交部 (DEA) 是在 OD Skelton 的推动下，On October 1935, the Liberals still under the leadership of Mackenzie King returned to power in Canadian politics attempting to gain a foothold amidst the two British controlled extremes of the left-wing CCF and right-wing Conservatives. At this point, Vincent Massey left his three year post as President of the Liberal Party to occupy his new position as the High Commissioner to Britain bringing into his staff such Oxford protégés as Lester B. Pearson as his personal secretary, as well as Rhodes Scholars George Ignatieff and Escott Reid. While most modern historians (often affiliated with the CIIA such as John English and Jack Granatstein (34) ) have held that the influx of Oxford men into the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was catalyzed by O.D. Skelton, the evidence demonstrates that none other than Vincent Massey himself and the CIIA networks were the true leaders  in this process违背了 againstOD Skelton 的更好意图。格拉纳斯坦及其同类炮制的流行论点只不过是一个神话，目的是向当代人隐藏加拿大真正的国家建设遗产，正如以下证据将证明的那样。 the better intention of O.D. Skelton. The popular thesis cooked up by Granastein and his ilk, has merely been a mythology maintained in order to hide Canada’s true nation building heritage from present generations, as the following evidence will demonstrate.

虽然 CIIA 已经建立了一大批高水平知识分子，并成功地在加拿大所有主要大学的控制节点安顿下来，但与美国或英国的同行不同，CIIA 在渗透到外交部方面并不成功。 （数据包络分析）。这在很大程度上是由于奥斯卡·斯凯尔顿 (Oscar Skelton) 再次担任缉毒局副部长，与外交部长麦肯齐·金 (Mackenzie King) 一起工作。金是加拿大历史上唯一一位同时担任这两个职位的总理。历史学家亚当·查普尼克这样描述金和斯克尔顿对 CIIA 渗透的怀疑：While the CIIA had built up a large array of high level intellectuals which had successfully installed themselves at controlling nodes of all major universities across Canada, unlike its counterparts in the United States or Britain, the CIIA had been unsuccessful at permeating the Department of External Affairs (DEA). This was caused in large measure by the return of Oscar Skelton as Undersecretary of the DEA working alongside the Minister of External Affairs Mackenzie King. King was the only Prime Minister to occupy both posts simultaneously in Canadian history. Historian Adam Chapnick describes the suspicions of King and Skelton to CIIA infiltration in the following terms:

“他和他的首相一样对英国的政治领导层抱有怀疑，并且从未忘记，1914 年盲目跟随英国人参战几乎摧毁了他的国家……斯克尔顿成为东区“孤立主义知识分子”的领导人”(35)。“He shared his prime minister’s suspicions of Britain’s political leadership and had never forgotten that following the British blindly into battle in 1914 had nearly destroyed his country… Skelton became the leader of “the isolationist intelligentsia” in the East Block”(35). 这种不信任在 1937 年帝国会议后对加拿大民众发表的讲话中得到了体现，他说This distrust was demonstrated in the words of the Prime Minister, who spoke to the Canadian population after the Imperial Conference of 1937 saying：“那些指望会议制定和制定外交、国防或贸易联合帝国政策的人将一无所获。”以满足他们的期望”（36）。: “Those who looked to the conference to devise and formulate a joint imperial policy on foreign affairs defense or trade will find nothing to fulfill their expectations” (36).

随着混乱开始蔓延，战争的回声不绝于耳，斯克尔顿阻止 CIIA 巢穴接管加拿大外交政策的政策开始出现裂痕。在 1938 年 5 月 20 日的日记中，斯克尔顿写下了以下不祥的话语：As chaos began to spread and the echos of war could be heard, cracks began to appear in Skelton’s policy of keeping the CIIA nest from taking over Canadian foreign policy. In a diary entry of May 20, 1938, Skelton wrote the following ominous words:

“英国人正在尽最大努力让捷克人为改变欧洲和平而牺牲自己……显然法国人的抵抗正在软化。首相在议会中表示，似乎几乎一致认为，如果英国加入，我们不可能置身事外：我在这里 14 年的努力都白费了”（37）。“The British are doing their best to have the Czechs sacrifice themselves on the alter of European peace… apparently the French are softening in resistance. The Prime Minister said in council there seemed almost unanimous recognition of (the) impossibility of our staying out if Britain goes in: my 14 years effort here wasted” (37).

具有讽刺意味的是，查普尼克描述了 RIIA 早在 1939 年就通过英国外交部成功协调战后规划，但却无法在其加拿大分支机构的类似规划方面取得任何进展：Chapnick describes the irony of the RIIA’s success in coordinating post war planning through the British Foreign Office as early as 1939, yet was unable to make any headway for similar planning in their Canadian branch:

“当麦肯齐·金 (Mackenzie King) 为国家可能爆发的战争做好准备时，RIIA 的世界秩序筹备小组于 1939 年 7 月 17 日在查塔姆研究所举行了第一次会议。讨论强调了在国际关系中维护法治的重要性。与 CIIA 在 1941 年的大部分时间里都在努力争取在渥太华表达自己的意见不同，RIIA 已经与伦敦政府建立了密切的联系。1939 年 10 月，英国驻华盛顿大使洛锡安勋爵（又名：菲利普·科尔）公开暗示未来将建立一个全球联邦，其影响显而易见。他的评论预见了一种国际秩序，在这种秩序中，区域组织将在统一执行机构的保护下监管世界。” (38)“While Mackenzie King was bracing his country for the possibility of war, the RIIA’s world-order preparatory group held its first meeting at Chatham House on 17 July 1939. The discussion emphasized the importance of maintaining the rule of law in international relations. Unlike the CIIA, which struggled to be heard in Ottawa through much of 1941, the RIIA had already established close links to the government in London. Its impact was evident in October 1939 when Lord Lothian [aka: Philip Kerr], the British ambassador in Washington, alluded publicly to a future global federation. His comments foresaw an international order in which regional organizations would police the world under the umbrella of a unifying executive body.“ (38)

历史学家丹尼斯·斯泰尔斯讲述了菲利普·克尔对斯克尔顿对麦肯齐·金影响的沮丧，他写道：“Historian Denis Stairs relates Philip Kerr`s frustration with Skelton`s influence on Mackenzie King when he wrote that “克尔曾经尖锐地对文森特·梅西说，“如果斯克尔顿不把与任何人的合作视为自卑，那就更好了。 ”。梅西后来在回忆录中表示，他同意这一评估。” (39)Kerr once pointedly observed to Vincent Massey that it “would be better if Skelton did not regard co-operation with anyone as a confession of inferiority”. Massey reported later in his memoirs that he agreed with the assessment.“ (39) 梅西自 1923 年帝国会议以来一直是斯克尔顿的敌人，他在日记中称斯克尔顿为“斯克尔顿博士先生”。Massey, an enemy of Skelton since the 1923 Imperial Conference referred to Skelton in his diaries as “Herr Doktor Skelton”.

1941 年 OD 斯克尔顿 (OD Skelton) 和欧内斯特 拉普安特 (Ernest Lapointe) 神秘死亡后 (40)，随着梅西的年轻新兵诺曼·罗伯逊 (罗德学者) 迅速被任命为外交部副部长，接替斯克尔顿，阻碍 CIIA 的大门开始解除。 。通过这一名副其实的政变，CIIA 在制定加拿大外交政策方面的作用迅速发生了变化。查普尼克用以下术语描述了这种情况：Upon the mysterious deaths of O.D. Skelton and Ernest Lapointe in 1941 (40), the gates holding back the CIIA’s hordes began to be lifted as Massey’s young recruit Norman Robertson (a Rhodes Scholar), was quickly installed as Skelton’s replacement as Undersecretary of External Affairs. With this veritable coup, things quickly changed for the CIIA’s role in shaping Canada’s foreign policy. Chapnick describes the situation in the following terms:

讽刺的是，就在CIIA放弃对加拿大政府的信任时，诺曼·罗伯逊终于开始动员外交部。由于战时的限制使他无法雇用以传统方式追求国际主义议程所需的额外人员，因此他向以前的学术同事寻求临时帮助。罗伯逊本人是不列颠哥伦比亚大学的毕业生，他首先要求政治学和经济学教授亨利·安格斯搬到渥太华并担任部门“特别助理”的职位。安格斯是 CIIA 的成员，对凡尔赛和解进行了深入研究。“Ironically, just as the CIIA abandoned its faith in the Canadian government, Norman Robertson finally began to mobilize the Department of External Affairs. Since wartime restrictions prevented him from hiring the additional staff necessary to pursue an internationalist agenda in the traditional way, he sought temporary help from his former academic colleagues. Himself a University of British Columbia graduate, Robertson first asked the professor of political science and economics Henry Angus to move to Ottawa and assume the position of departmental “special assistant.” Angus was a member of the CIIA and had studied the Versailles settlement in depth.

人们期望他能为战后讨论做出建设性贡献。皮尔逊在多伦多大学历史系认识的乔治·格莱兹布鲁克（George Glazebrook）很快就加入了他的行列。格莱兹布鲁克曾是 CIIA 研究委员会的成员，该委员会的任务是研究战后世界的形态。战争期间，总共约有 20 名大学教授最终在对外事务部工作，几乎所有人都与 CIIA 有直接或至少间接的联系。这些学者的招募在加拿大公务员系统内创建了一个规划基础设施，类似于英国和美国已经建立的基础设施。英美战后秩序规划进程启动两年后，加拿大终于迈出了第一步。” (41)He was expected to contribute constructively to postwar discussions. George Glazebrook, known to Pearson from the History Department of the University of Toronto, soon joined him. Glazebrook had sat on the CIIA research committee that had been tasked with looking into the shape of the postwar world. In all, approximately twenty university professors eventually worked for External Affairs during the war, nearly all of whom had direct or at least indirect ties to the CIIA. The recruitment of these academics created a planning infrastructure within the Canadian civil service that was similar to those already established in Great Britain and the United States. Two years after the Anglo-American process of planning the postwar order had started, Canada was finally taking its first small step forward.” (41)

随着 CIIA 接管加拿大外交部的外交政策制定机构，埃斯科特·里德、莱斯特·皮尔逊以及后来的皮埃尔·埃利奥特·特鲁多等人制定了加拿大新的“第三条道路”计划。根据该计划，加拿大在战后世界中的作用是制衡相互保证歼灭的两极冷战动态。只要有可能，加拿大就会通过与共产主义国家交好来扰乱美国，而英国的德尔菲式外交政策则成为密切模仿美国的政策之一。后来，当皮埃尔·特鲁多被问及他的外交政策方针时，他将第三条道路描述为“建立制衡力量”。所有这一切都不是为了加拿大这个诞生已悲惨流产的国家的利益，而是为了大英帝国。With the takeover of Canada’s foreign policy-making apparatus in the Department of External Affairs by the CIIA, Canada’s new program of the “Third Way” was set in place by the likes of Escott Reid, Lester Pearson, and later Pierre Elliot Trudeau. Under this program, Canada’s role in the post War world serve as a counterweight to the bipolar cold war dynamic of Mutually Assured Annihilation. Wherever possible Canada would disrupt America by befriending Communist Countries, while Britain’s Delphic foreign policy became one of closely mimicking USA. The Third Way was described later by Pierre Trudeau when asked of his foreign policy approach as “the creation of counter-weights”. All this was done not for interests of Canada, a nation whose birth had become tragically aborted but in the service of the British Empire.

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马特·埃雷特的见解Matt Ehret's Insights

阴谋学中的历史分析、地缘政治、文化战争和其他研究Historical analysis, geopolitics, cultural warfare and other studies in Conspiracy Science

作者：马修·埃雷特By Matthew Ehret

 

单击此处查看第二部分：米尔纳的变态席卷加拿大CLICK HERE FOR PART TWO: Milner’s Perversion Takes Over Canada

 

尾注End notes

 

(1) 罗伯特·D·安斯沃斯 (Robert D. Ainsworth)，《(1) Robert D. Ainsworth, 加拿大的美国体系》The American System in Canada，《加拿大爱国者》，特别版，2012 年，第 32 页, The Canadian Patriot, Special Edition, 2012, p.32

(2) 艾萨克·布坎南 (Isaac Buchanan)，《(2) Isaac Buchanan, 加拿大工业与祖国和美国的关系》Relations of the Industry of Canada with the Mother Country and the United States，1864 年，第 22 页, 1864, p.22

(3) 罗伯特·D·安斯沃斯 (Robert D. Ainsworth)，(3) Robert D. Ainsworth, 《一个时代的终结：劳里埃和 1911 年选举》The End of an Era: Laurier and the Election of 1911，渥太华大学，2009 年, University of Ottawa, 2009

(4) OD Skelton，《(4) O.D. Skelton, 威尔弗里德·劳里尔爵士的一生》，The Life of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, 第 14 页。510p. 510

(5) Milner 致 JS Sanders，1909 年 1 月 2 日，约翰·肯德尔 (John Kendle) 在(5) Milner to J.S. Sanders, 2 Jan. 1909 cited in “圆桌运动与帝国联盟”中“The Round Table Movement and Imperial Union”引用，多伦多大学出版社，1975 年，第 55 页 by John Kendle, University of Toronto Press, 1975, p.55

(6) 卡罗尔·奎格利 (Carroll Quigley)，(6) Carroll Quigley, 《英美建制》The Anglo-American Establishment，纽约，《焦点图书》，1981 年, New York, Books in Focus, 1981 www.archive.org/details/TheAnglo-americanEstablishmentwww.archive.org/details/TheAnglo-americanEstablishment

(7) 卡罗尔·奎格利 (Carroll Quigley)，(7) Carroll Quigley, 《英美集团》The Anglo American Establishment，第 14 页。5, p. 5

(8) 乔治·帕金 (George Parkin)，(8) George Parkin, 《帝国联邦：民族团结问题》Imperial Federation: The Problem of National Unity，麦克米伦公司，伦敦，1892 年，序言 VIII, Macmillan and Co., London, 1892,  preface VIII

(9) 同上，第 7 页(9) Ibid, p.7

(10) 就任南非总督后，米尔纳写信给帕金：(10) After taking up his governorship of South Africa, Milner wrote to Parkin: “我的生活深受您的思想影响，在我的新职位上，我将比以往任何时候都更需要您的热情和对帝国的广泛充满希望的看法。未来”，“My life has been greatly influenced by your ideas and in my new post I shall feel more than ever the need of your enthusiasm and broad hopeful view of the Imperial future”, Milner to Parkin，4 月 28 日，Headlam，The Milner Papers，I，42，Milner to Parkin, 28 April, Headlam, The Milner Papers, I, 42,

(11) WT Stead，ET Cook，(11) W.T.Stead by E.T Cook, 《当代评论》The Contemporary Review，1912 年 6 月，重印于 Frederick Whyte，《WT Stead 的一生》，伦敦，1925 年，卷。2，第353-356页, June 1912, reprinted in Frederick Whyte, The Life of W.T. Stead, London, 1925, vol. 2, p.353-356

(12) 奎格利，(12) Quigley, 英美集团Anglo American Establishment，第 12 页。32, p. 32

(13) Rotberg，(13) Rotberg, 创始人The Founder，第 101, 102 页。 & Niall Ferguson，, pp. 101, 102. & Niall Ferguson, 罗斯柴尔德家族：世界银行家The House of Rothschild: The World’s Banker，1848–1998，企鹅图书，2000 年, 1848–1998, Penguin Books, 2000

(14) 奎格利，同上，第 31 页(14) Quigley, ibid, p.31

(15) 许多系数与费边系数重叠(15) Many coefficients overlapped with Fabians

(16) 虽然牛津和伦敦经济学院倾向于培养“实干家”，但帝国的更高层次“思想”人往往在剑桥受到限制(16) While Oxford and LSE have tended to produce the “doers”, the higher level “ideas” men of the Empire have tended to be conditioned at Cambridge

(17) 加拿大“地方寡头政治”的最早体现被称为“家庭契约”，由在 1812 年战争期间离开美国的效忠派正式形成，加拿大的寡头政治结构至今仍能感受到其潮流。 1776 年战争中现存的效忠者，以及新登陆加拿大的英国贵族。它的遗产包括为年轻精英建立帝国灌输的工具，例如国王学院（f.1827）和上加拿大学院（f.1829）以及上加拿大银行，所有这些都由契约的领导人经营，以及加拿大英格兰教会的主教约翰·斯特拉坎 (John Strachan)。UCC 被明确设计为国王学院的“附属学校”（国王学院于 1837 年完全接管 UCC，后来更名为“多伦多大学”）。1837 年威廉·里昂·麦肯齐和路易斯·约瑟夫·帕皮诺领导的上加拿大和下加拿大叛乱之后，该契约被迫重新组织。麦肯齐的孙子是首相威廉·里昂·麦肯齐·金。《家庭契约》的重组将导致1840年欺骗性的上加拿大和下加拿大联盟，并宣扬对“责任政府”的奴性信仰，而不是真正的独立。正是在这种潮流中，乔治·帕金诞生了。《家庭契约》的重组将导致1840年欺骗性的上加拿大和下加拿大联盟，并宣扬对“责任政府”的奴性信仰，而不是真正的独立。正是在这种潮流中，乔治·帕金诞生了。《家庭契约》的重组将导致1840年欺骗性的上加拿大和下加拿大联盟，并宣扬对“责任政府”的奴性信仰，而不是真正的独立。正是在这种潮流中，乔治·帕金诞生了。(17) The earliest incarnation of Canada’s “local oligarchy”, whose currents are still felt through the oligarchical structures of Canada, was named the “Family Compact”, formed officially during the War of 1812 by loyalist cliques who both left America, pre-existent loyalists from the War of 1776, and British aristocrats newly landed in Canada. Its legacy involved the creation of instruments for the imperial indoctrination of young elites such as King’s College (f.1827) and Upper Canada College (f.1829) along with the Bank of Upper Canada, all of which were run by the Compact’s leader, and Bishop for the Church of England in Canada, John Strachan. UCC was designed explicitly to be a ‘feeder school’ to King’s College (which was to take over full control of UCC in 1837 and later became re-named to “The University of Toronto”. The Compact would be forced to re-organize itself after the 1837 Rebellions of Upper and Lower Canada, led by William Lyon Mackenzie, and Louis-Joseph Papineau. Mackenzie’s grandson was Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King. The re-organization of the Family Compact would result in the fraudulent Union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1840 and the promotion of the slavish belief in “Responsible Government” instead of true independence. It was from this current that George Parkin would arise.

(18) 卡罗尔·奎格利 (Carrol Quigley)，(18) Carrol Quigley, 加拿大圆桌小组Roundtable Group in Canada，《加拿大历史评论》，1962 年 9 月，第 213 页, Canadian Historical Review sept 1962, p.213

(19)(19) 洛克菲勒、卡内基与加拿大：美国慈善事业与加拿大的艺术和文学，Rockefeller, Carnegie and Canada: American Philanthropy and the Arts and Letters in Canada, 2005 年，杰弗里·布里森 (Jeffrey Brison) 着，详细论证了“美国”慈善基金会在培养加拿大人反美身份方面所扮演的讽刺角色。到 1957 年，随着加拿大理事会的成立，资助艺术和人文学科的责任完全落入加拿大政府的权力之下，加拿大理事会是一个由国家艺术、文学和科学发展皇家委员会推动的中央文化控制中心（1949- 1951），由文森特·梅西担任主席。第一个 CIIA 运行的委员会是 1935 年至 1937 年的牛顿-西鲁瓦皇家委员会，由 CIIA 主席牛顿领导，但完全失败了。2005 by Jeffrey Brison demonstrates in detail the ironic role which “American” philanthropic foundations served in cultivating a largely anti-American identity for Canadians. The responsibility to fund the arts and humanities fell fully under the authority of the Canadian Government by 1957 with the creation of the Canada Council, a centralized cultural control center catalyzed by the Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters and Science (1949-1951), chaired by Vincent Massey. The first CIIA run commission was the Newton-Sirois Royal Commission of 1935-1937, led by CIIA President Newton and was a complete failure.

(20) 值得注意的是，这一时间框架也因最后一位美国体系总统和林肯追随者威廉·麦金利的去世以及美国体系和林肯追随者富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福上台而被预订。在这中间的三十年里，除了哈丁总统（在任职期间因神秘食物中毒而死亡的哈丁总统外），每一位总统都被证明是大英帝国的亲英傀儡。(20) It is of note that this time frame is also bookended by the death of the last American System President and Lincoln follower William McKinley and the emergence into power of American System and Lincoln follower Franklin Delano Roosevelt. In the interim 3 decades, every single president, barring President Harding who died under a mysterious case of food poisoning in office, were demonstrated to have been anglophile puppets of the British Empire.

(21) 爱德华·格里格 (Edward Grigg) 爵士致希钦斯，1931 年 12 月 15 日，引自肯德尔 (Kendle)(21) Sir Edward Grigg to Hitchens, 15 December 1931, cited in 的《圆桌运动与帝国联盟》The Round Table Movement and Imperial Union，第 17 页。第284章, by Kendle, p. 284

(22)(22) Cited in 加拿大和英国世界Canada and the British World引用，菲利普·巴克纳 (Philip Buckner)，UBC 出版社，2007 年，第 266 页, by Philip Buckner, UBC Press, 2007, p.266

(23) 威廉·麦肯齐·金本人在加拿大历史上一直是一个矛盾的人物。金生活在母亲专横的阴影下（甚至在她去世很久之后），在他的祖父威廉·里昂·麦肯齐 (William Lyon Mackenzie) 领导 1838 年挫败的上加拿大叛乱后，金确实充满了为家人夺回荣誉的动力。作为一个拥有原则性意志和尘世神圣使命感的人，这是令人钦佩的品质，但可悲的是，在朋友和家人去世很久之后，他却有一种非理性的倾向。正是这种非理性的神秘形象在金住在伦敦期间被利用，他参观了圆桌会议领导人 WT Stead 运营的多产的超心理学机构和附属媒体。金的错误判断倾向在他的一生中都很明显，尤其值得关注的是，他在 1914 年至 1918 年间受洛克菲勒基金会聘请，帮助小约翰·D·洛克菲勒 (John D. Rockefeller Jr.) 解决美国罢工矿工的问题。正是在金的调解下，“公司联盟”这一闹剧政策才得以制定。斯克尔顿对金的古怪性格特别失望，这一点在 1926 年帝国会议期间给他妻子的一封信中得到了证明，当时斯克尔顿写道：(23) William Mackenzie King himself has always been a paradoxical character in Canadian history. Living under the domineering shadow of his mother’s eye (even long after her death), King was literally possessed by a drive to bring honor back to his family after his grandfather William Lyon Mackenzie, had led the thwarted Upper Canada Rebellion of 1838. King had the admirable quality of being a man possessed of a principled will and sense of divine mission on earth, yet sadly an irrational tendency to speak to his friends and family long after they had died. It was this irrationally mystical profile that was capitalized on while King had lived in London, visiting the prolific parapsychology operations and affiliated mediums run by Roundtable leaders as W.T. Stead. King’s penchant for bad judgement was manifest throughout his life, especially seen as he was hired by the Rockefeller Foundation from 1914-1918 to help John D. Rockefeller Jr. resolve problems with striking miners in the USA. It was through King’s mediation that the farcical policy of the “Company Union” was created. Skelton’s particular frustration with King’s flaky character was evidenced in a letter to his wife during the 1926 Imperial Conference when Skelton wrote: “事实上，某些人（King）把所有时间都花在吃饭、与‘上帝’这个或‘女士’那个交谈、写日记以及每天 5 分钟准备会议事务上，这让一切都变得相当困难。” “the fact that certain other people [King] give all their time to dining and talking with ‘Lord’ this or ‘Lady’ that and to diary writing and 5 minutes a day to prepare for conference matters makes everything pretty hard.”，[引自《拉普安特和魁北克对加拿大外交政策的影响》，第 14 页。57], [citation from Lapointe and Quebec’s Influence on Canada’s Foreign Policy, p. 57]

(24) W. 格兰特致莫里斯·汉基爵士，1925 年 10 月，WL 格兰特档案，第 5 卷，引自克劳德·比塞尔的《加拿大帝国报》第 1 卷。威廉·格兰特还曾任上加拿大学院院长、梅西基金会董事。(24) W. Grant to Sir Maurice Hankey, Oct., 1925, W.L. Grant archives, vol.5, Citation from Claude Bissel’s, The Imperial Canadian vol 1. William Grant was also President of Upper Canada College, Director of the Massey Foundation.

(25) King Diary 1940 年 6 月，约翰·麦克法兰 (John MacFarlane) 在(25) King Diary June 1940, cited in Ernest Lapointe 和魁北克对加拿大外交政策的影响中引用Ernest Lapointe and Quebec’s Influence on Canadian Foreign Policy ，多伦多大学出版社，1999 年，第 124 页by John MacFarlane, University of Toronto Press, 1999, p.124

(26) King Diary, Feb. 6, 1941 cited in (26) 《国王日记》，1941 年 2 月 6 日， Ernest Lapointe 和魁北克的影响力Ernest Lapointe and Quebec’s Influence, 中引用，第 124 页p.124

(27) Skelton 引述自 Skelton 文件，第 11 卷，文件 1197，日记，1923 年 10 月 22 日。King 引述自 King Diary，1929 年 9 月 11 日。两者均在 Ernest Lapointe 和 Quebec's Influence 中引用，第(27) Skelton quote from Skelton papers, vol 11, file 1197, diary, 22 October 1923. King quote from King Diary Sept. 11, 1929. Both cited in Ernest Lapointe and Quebec’s Influence55, 页p.55

(28) 罗威尔-西罗伊斯委员会试图以有效的社会主义条件为蓝本，将加拿大大部分分散的体系集中起来。将省级债务和义务联邦化是试图模仿罗斯福美国体系政策的外在形式的各种提议之一，但没有任何实质内容。在很大程度上由于魁北克省、艾伯塔省和不列颠哥伦比亚省的抵制，该委员会完全未能实现其议程。(28) The Rowell-Sirois Commission attempted to centralize much of the fragmented Canadian system, modelled on effectively socialist terms. The federalizing of provincial debts and obligations was among the various proposals which attempted to mimic the outward form of FDR’s American System policies, but without any of the substance. Due in large measure to the resistance by Quebec, Alberta and B.C, this commission failed completely at achieving its agenda.

(29) 引自里德生物(29) Citation from Reid bio

(30) 斯梅德利·达林顿·巴特勒将军，(30) General Smedly Darlington Butler, 《战争是一场骗局》War is a Racket，圆桌出版社，1935 年, Roundtable Press Inc., 1935

(31) “我受传票出现在美国人民的最高代表国会委员会面前，讲述了我所知道的有关我认为可能导致企图建立法西斯独裁政权的活动的情况……整件事的结果是我将领导一个由 50 万人组成的组织，该组织将能够接管政府职能。” Smedley Butler，1933 年 11 月。视频摘录可在(31) “I appeared before the Congressional Committee, the highest representation of the American people under subpoena to tell what I knew about activities which I believe might lead to an attempt to set up a fascist dictatorship… the upshot of the whole thing was that I was to pose to lead an organization of 500 000 men which would be able to take over the functions of government” -Gen. Smedley Butler, November 1933. Video extract is viewable on http://www.larouchepac.com/1932上观看http://www.larouchepac.com/1932

(32) 皮埃尔·博德里 (Pierre Beaudry)，(32) Pierre Beaudry, 《帝国的同步运动》Synarchy Movement of Empire 第二册，第 50 页Book II, p.50

(33) 如今鲜为人知的是，艾伯塔省是加拿大第一个于 1927 年通过绝育法的省份（另一个省份是不列颠哥伦比亚省，它于 1932 年也采取了同样的做法）。这些省份跟随美国 32 个州的脚步，从 1909 年的印第安纳州开始，它们的通过以及对促进它们的统计科学的资助均由世界上最大的两个“慈善”组织资助：卡内基基金会和洛克菲勒公司。然而，这两个组织都不是真正的美国组织，它们只是执行伦敦主人的命令。后来，另一位在伦敦经济学院受过训练的费边，名叫汤米·道格拉斯 (Tommy Douglas) 接替伍兹沃斯成为 CCF 的领导者。汤米·道格拉斯（Tommy Douglas）是加拿大全民医疗保健之父，也是一位虔诚的优生学家，1933 年，他在费边管理的伦敦经济学院学习期间撰写了题为“非正常家庭问题”的硕士论文。道格拉斯的大多数捍卫者都称赞他在 1936 年访问纳粹德国后放弃了优生学理念，道格拉斯总理在机会出现时没有在萨斯喀彻温省实施 1944 年提议的绝育法就证明了这一点。这种辩护是没有根据的，因为优生学已经被认为太热门而无法公开推动，朱利安·赫胥黎 (Julian Huxley) 1946 年联合国教科文组织创始文件中提出的支持优生学的蓝图就证明了这一点 [参见第 17 页]。39 摘录]。道格拉斯实施的全民医疗改革有着更加黑暗的意图，必须在新的视角下重新评估。有关此主题的更多信息可以在 道格拉斯的大多数捍卫者都称赞他在 1936 年访问纳粹德国后放弃了优生学理念，道格拉斯总理在机会出现时没有在萨斯喀彻温省实施 1944 年提议的绝育法就证明了这一点。这种辩护是没有根据的，因为优生学已经被认为太热门而无法公开推动，朱利安·赫胥黎 (Julian Huxley) 1946 年联合国教科文组织创始文件中提出的支持优生学的蓝图就证明了这一点 [参见第 17 页]。39 摘录]。道格拉斯实施的全民医疗改革有着更加黑暗的意图，必须在新的视角下重新评估。有关此主题的更多信息可以在 道格拉斯的大多数捍卫者都称赞他在 1936 年访问纳粹德国后放弃了优生学理念，道格拉斯总理在机会出现时没有在萨斯喀彻温省实施 1944 年提议的绝育法就证明了这一点。这种辩护是没有根据的，因为优生学已经被认为太热门而无法公开推动，朱利安·赫胥黎 (Julian Huxley) 1946 年联合国教科文组织创始文件中提出的支持优生学的蓝图就证明了这一点 [参见第 17 页]。39 摘录]。道格拉斯实施的全民医疗改革有着更加黑暗的意图，必须在新的视角下重新评估。有关此主题的更多信息可以在 朱利安·赫胥黎 (Julian Huxley) 在 1946 年联合国教科文组织创始文件中提出的支持优生学的蓝图就证明了这一点[见第 17 页]。39 摘录]。道格拉斯实施的全民医疗改革有着更加黑暗的意图，必须在新的视角下重新评估。有关此主题的更多信息可以在 朱利安·赫胥黎 (Julian Huxley) 在 1946 年联合国教科文组织创始文件中提出的支持优生学的蓝图就证明了这一点[见第 17 页]。39 摘录]。道格拉斯实施的全民医疗改革有着更加黑暗的意图，必须在新的视角下重新评估。有关此主题的更多信息可以在(33) Little known today, Alberta was the first Canadian province to pass sterilization laws in 1927 (the other being British Columbia which did the same in 1932). These provinces followed the 32 American States which had done the same beginning with Indiana in 1909.The promotion of their passage, the financing of the statistical based science promoting them was funded by the two biggest “philanthropic” organizations in the world: The Carnegie Foundation and the Rockefeller Corporation. Neither organization was truly American however, and were merely doing the bidding of their London masters. Later, another LSE trained Fabian named Tommy Douglas replaced Woodsworth as the leader of the CCF. Tommy Douglas, the father of Canadian universal healthcare, was a devout eugenicist, writing his 1933 masters thesis on “Problems of the Sub-Normal Family” while studying at the Fabian run London School of Economics. Most defenders of Douglas applaud him for having dropped his pro-eugenics philosophy after visiting Nazi Germany in 1936 and evidenced by the fact that Premier Douglas did not implement proposed 1944 sterilization laws in Saskatchewan when the opportunity arose.  This defense is ill-founded, as eugenics was already deemed too hot to push publicly, evidenced by the pro-eugenics blueprint which Julian Huxley’s 1946 founding document of UNESCO lays out [see pg. 39 for exerpt]. The Universal Healthcare reform carried out by Douglas has a much darker intention which must be re-evaluated under this new light. More on this subject can be found in 我们自己的种族：优生学和加拿大 1894-1946 年A Race of our Own: Eugenics and Canada 1894-1946 以及本报告的附录。and in the appendix to this report.

(34) See Rick Sander’s (34)有关加拿大奴隶劳改营的更多信息，请参阅 Rick Sander 的《麦克诺顿将军的丑陋真相》，载于《加拿大爱国者》第 5 期，2013 年The Ugly Truth of General McNaughton for more on the Canadian  slave labour camps in The Canadian Patriot #5, 2013

(35) 杰克·格拉纳斯坦 (Jack Granatstein) 担任 CIIA 罗威尔·杰克曼 (Rowell Jackman) 常驻研究员，约翰·英格利希 (John English) 于 1988 年至 1990 年担任 CIIA 副主席，并于 1990 年至 1992 年担任主席。WL Morton 是这一段历史的另一位主要权威，他是罗德学者，其著作已由 CIIA 出版。具有讽刺意味的是（但合法），反美保守党历史学家唐纳德·克赖顿（Donald Creighton）的职业生涯很大程度上直接由洛克菲勒基金会的持续拨款资助，直到 1957 年文森特·马西（Vincent Massey）的英国仿照加拿大委员会减轻了这一负担。(35) Jack Granatstein serves as Rowell Jackman Resident Fellow of the CIIA, while John English served as the CIIA Vice President from 1988-1990 and President from 1990-1992. W.L. Morton, another major authority on this segment of history is a Rhodes Scholar whose works have been published by the CIIA. Ironically (but lawfully) Anti-American Tory historian Donald Creighton’s career was largely funded directly by continuous grants from the Rockefeller Foundation until that burden was relieved by Vincent Massey’s British modelled Canada Council in 1957.

(36) Adam Chapnick，(36) Adam Chapnick, 中等强国项目：加拿大和联合国的成立The Middle Power Project: Canada and the Founding of the United Nations，UBC 出版社，2005 年，第 9 页, UBC Press, 2005, p.9

(37) Bruce Hutchison，(37) Bruce Hutchison, 《不可思议的加拿大人》The Incredible Canadian，Hunter Rose ltd.，多伦多，1959 年，第 229 页, Hunter Rose ltd., Toronto, 1959, pg.229

(38) OD Skelton 档案，日记条目，1938 年 5 月 20 日星期五，卷。13、MG30D33(38) O.D. Skelton Archive, Diary entry, Friday May 20, 1938, vol. 13, MG30D33

(39)查普尼克，同上。第9页(39) Chapnick, Ibid. p.9

(40) 丹尼斯·斯泰尔斯 (Denis Stairs)，《(40) Denis Stairs, 加拿大外交政策制定和实施中普遍观念的威胁》The Menace of General Ideas in the Making and Conduct of Canadian Foreign Policy

(41) 斯克尔顿于 1941 年 1 月死于车祸，欧内斯特·拉普安特于 1941 年 11 月去世。两人都对金产生了深远的影响，并抵制加拿大早期卷入战争，因为两人都认为这是英国的又一案例。阴谋出了差错。(41) Skelton died in a car accident in January 1941 while Ernest Lapointe died in November 1941. Both men had a profound influence on King, and resisted Canada’s early involvement in the war, as it was understood by both to be another case of British intrigues gone awry.

(42) 查普尼克，同上。p。19 号(42) Chapnick, ibid. p. 19

（谷歌翻译：The Origins of the Deep State in North America Part I: The Rise of the Round Table Movement）