李光耀 大师对中国、美国和世界的见解

李光耀：大师对中国、美国和世界的见解（贝尔弗国际安全研究中心）

https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/B00BFDLH3K/ref=as_li_qf_asin_il_tl?ie=UTF8&tag=farnamstreet-20&creative=9325&linkCode=

作者：格雷厄姆·艾利森（Graham Allison）（作者）、罗伯特·D·布莱克威尔（Robert D. Blackwill）（作者）、阿里·怀恩（Ali Wyne）（作者）

现代新加坡的伟大战略家和创始人就全球化、地缘政治、经济增长和民主提出了重要见解和有争议的观点。

当李光耀讲话时，总统、总理、外交官和首席执行官都会倾听。 李光耀是现代新加坡的国父，曾于 1959 年至 1990 年担任新加坡总理，五十多年来在世界舞台上磨练了自己的智慧。 他几乎凭一己之力将新加坡转变为西方式的经济成功国家，他对东西方地缘政治提供了独特的视角。 从理查德·尼克松到巴拉克·奥巴马，历届美国总统都欢迎他来到白宫。 从玛格丽特·撒切尔到托尼·布莱尔，历届英国首相都认可他的智慧。 从鲁珀特·默多克到埃克森美孚首席执行官雷克斯·蒂勒森等商界领袖都赞扬了他的成就。 本书收集了李的采访、演讲和大量出版著作中的重要见解，并以引人入胜的问答形式呈现。

李提出了他对中国未来的评估，并断言“中国将希望与美国平等地分享这个世纪”。 他肯定美国作为世界唯一超级大国的地位，但对其变幻莫测的政治制度表示失望。 他提供了与中国打交道的战略建议，并接着讨论了印度的未来、伊斯兰恐怖主义、经济增长、地缘政治和全球化以及民主。 李毫不留情，对多元文化主义、福利国家、教育和自由市场提出了直率的看法。 这本小书属于每一位世界领导人的阅读清单，包括 2013 年 1 月 20 日宣誓就职的领导人。

 February 9, 2020   14 Comments

Lee Kuan Yew: The Grand Master’s Insights on China, the United States, and the World (Graham Allison)

https://theworthyhouse.com/2020/02/09/lee-kuan-yew-the-grand-masters-insights-on-china-the-united-states-and-the-world-graham-allison/

written by Charles Haywood

For Americans who think that so-called liberal democracy is neither, and in any case is a dead end, successful modern societies with a different political model always intrigue. In the West, notable such are Hungary and Poland, who have effectively executed a mild and tentative turn away from the most extreme vices of liberal democracy, though there is a long way to go. Singapore, which has apparently successfully blended economic success, certain virtues, and limited democracy, offers another possible model, one with a longer track record. Unfortunately, Singapore’s example is of very limited use to a future well-run America, and this book of the thoughts of Lee Kuan Yew, who built modern Singapore, helps show why.

There are surprisingly few books, at least in English, on Singapore. (I did read John Curtis Perry’s Singapore: Unlikely Power, and was disappointed at its flatness and lack of insight.) I’m not sure why that is. Perhaps it’s a feeling of pedestrian authors that Singapore, other than economic success, shouldn’t be overly praised because it has always rejected liberal democracy, exacerbated by the common stereotype of it being a place where you get flogged for chewing gum. Even its economic success, which largely rejects the globalist ideologies of the neoliberal corporatists who control the West, isn’t celebrated as to its methods, merely as to its results. Our ruling class prefers to ignore that Singapore succeeded economically because of its strong industrial policies and direct government involvement in the economy, not because it threw open its borders to parasites or strove to become a libertarian oasis.

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Today’s Singapore was, it appears everyone agrees, built primarily by Lee. But Lee, who died in 2015, didn’t write this 2013 book, nor did he even participate in it. Rather, it is the project of Graham Allison, an American academic expert on China and tireless self-promoter, notable most recently for his 2017 book, Destined for War, which analyzed the applicability of the “Thucydides Trap” to Chinese-American relations. Allison simply collected quotes of Lee’s made over forty years and cobbled them together into a set of fake interviews. The effect is a little weird. The “interviews” are posed in a question-and-answer format, grouped by major theme. However, since the narrative responses are stitched-together quotes often made decades apart, even though the stitching is competently done (probably not by Allison, but by the flunky he credits, one Ali Wynne), the responses often seem clunky and inorganic, even sometimes contradictory. If I were Lee, I would be angry that my thought over decades, which no doubt often underwent subtle, or not-so-subtle, corrections and changes, was assembled in this simplistic way and then offered as a complete summary of my beliefs. But nobody asked Lee for permission, and now he’s in no position to complain.

After reading this book, it seems likely that for his own time, place, and culture, Lee was the right man, but that says little about our society. For us, I think, his ideas are either obvious and prefigured by a vast body of earlier thought, or, incomplete, wrong, or irrelevant. Still, let’s get started. We begin with a brief Forward from Henry Kissinger, establishing Allison’s bona fides but telling us little except that Lee raised Singapore from poverty and made his country a player in Asia, which we knew already. Then, in a blatant appeal to authority and a successful exercise in padding the book, we get nearly twenty pages of quotes showing “who listens,” supposedly, when Lee talks. This includes everyone from Margaret Thatcher to the former CEO of Coca-Cola, praising Lee to the skies for his amazing intelligence, strategic vision, and general awesomeness. All this wastes the reader’s time and should be skipped.

Then we swing into the “interviews.” The biggest focus, no surprise given Singapore’s location and that its culture is Chinese (or rather a subset of Chinese, tied to the trade-oriented southern Chinese who originally settled Singapore under British suzerainty), is China. I am unclear why Lee is regarded as a China expert—maybe he successfully made predictions about China that came true, though if he did, it is not shown here. It’s not that anything Lee says is wrong, as far as I can tell (I’m certainly not a China expert myself). It’s that most of it is banal, at least in the world of 2013, or of 2020. China is growing fast and has great aspirations. Surrounding countries are concerned. The Chinese are going about it slowly and methodically. The Chinese are merit-focused. But they have certain problems, including a lack of the rule of law and an unimaginative, uncreative culture that does not permit a free exchange of ideas and, for all those reasons, comes up with no technological breakthroughs. The United States should adopt a balanced approach toward China, neither too conciliatory nor too aggressive. All true, I imagine, but nothing that is not obvious to someone paying any attention at all.

When he makes predictions about the future that are not obvious, Lee isn’t convincing. He says that “Technology is going to make [the Chinese] system of governance obsolete,” because everyone is going to be “well-informed,” and “because the numbers are so large,” you can’t just “placate and monitor a few people.” So far, though, the Chinese seem very successful in using technology to monitor and control everyone. Just ask the Uighurs, or those now earning a low social credit score. It’s not that Lee is afraid to say the unpalatable. For example, he denigrates the tiny minority of Chinese who militate for democracy but are beloved of Western liberals, saying crassly “Where are the students of Tiananmen now?” and apparently agreeing that Deng Xiaoping was correct to say that if 200,000 students had to be shot; it was better than the alternatives. It’s that Lee has nothing unpalatable to say that is also original. And he completely ignores what is by far the biggest problem China faces—because it screwed itself with the one-child policy, it will age and shrink dramatically during the twenty-first century, never reaching anywhere near its theoretical potential. I discuss this in my review of Darrell Bricker and John Ibbitson’s Empty Planet, but Lee ignores this problem, which obviates pretty much every generic prediction he makes about China.

When he turns to talking about the United States, we begin to see that Lee has very one-dimensional, simplistic views. He does not understand the United States, at all, mostly because in this context and others, he thinks economics is everything, and culture only matters to the extent it affects economic thinking. In Lee’s pinched reading, therefore, the key to our past and present success is purely entrepreneurialism. Which is to some extent accurate, but that is only a small part of American culture, and one of much less importance than it used to be, as entrepreneurialism is crushed by government overreach and social mobility has slowed to a crawl. It is, however, the aspect of America most evident to a foreigner focused on economic matters.

As far as the bad parts of American society, Lee correctly sees that demands for unfettered, absolute individual freedom in America have grown to grotesque and immensely destructive proportions. But he has a television-oriented set of takeaways, namely that America is gripped by vagrancy, drugs, and guns, all of which are bad, very bad (Lee is especially petrified by private citizens having guns). His solution is more communitarianism, as led by elites, with a better ruling class than we have now. Only “the top 3 to 5% of a society can handle this free-for-all, this clash of ideas. If you do this with the whole mass, you will have a mess.” Well, the horse is out of that barn, but to that, Lee has no answer. And America needs to quit overspending. Again, much of this is accurate, but obvious. More importantly, it’s grossly incomplete, viewing America through a keyhole. We can do without Lee’s thoughts on America; they’re bush-league.

True, there is a good deal that is refreshingly retrograde about Lee. He is all about merit, and he’s not shy about it. “It is the near-geniuses and the above average who ultimately decide the shape of things to come.” People aren’t equal in talents and merit, they never will be equal, and to pretend otherwise is folly. No surprise, he doesn’t like democracy. To be sure, Singapore has a form of democracy, but Lee is, correctly, afraid the stupid masses will ruin it for everyone. Thus, the government should serve the people, but not be directly responsive to the people. He also thinks, as I do, that people with families should get more votes, and no votes should go to “a capricious young person under 30.” Lee would no doubt blanch at the insane proposals today for American sixteen-year-olds to vote—although, on the plus side, that would probably hasten the collapse of our own pseudo-democracy, and let us move on more quickly to the next thing, so maybe I should endorse it.

Lee is also retrograde about other cultures. His talk of India is interesting mostly for Lee’s thinly-veiled contempt for Indian society and culture, tempered with a recognition that India has a big, therefore relevant, economy. And when talking of Islam, Lee praises Samuel Huntington’s thesis of a civilizational clash and says that Islam will always be a threat unless it changes. He also enthusiastically and repeatedly endorses English as the only language that matters. Again, this is obvious, but our own self-hating elites have lied to us for decades, telling young people that it is critically necessary for success that they learn other languages. This is totally false, and always has been. It’s not necessary for economic success; in the late 1980s and early 1990s, you may remember, we were told we must learn Japanese to compete in the global future. But competition is not the core reason we’re told it’s necessary. It’s because our ruling classes have the strange belief that Europeans are our betters and we must signal our obeisance to the new globalist order by learning the languages of others. For cultural refinement, or to pick up French girls, it might be useful to read French poetry, but for most utilitarian communication, the reality is that all educated Europeans and Asians learn English, because it is the lingua franca for the world, and probably still will be in five hundred years, so there is no practical imperative to learn anything but English.

Most of all, Lee is retrograde about immigration and so-called multicultural societies. Lee’s words are often cherry-picked to suggest that he thinks that immigration is a good thing, and a multicultural society an awesome one. But that’s not what he thinks at all. Instead, he thinks a rarefied slice of approved foreigners can benefit a society, if they don’t cause trouble. He says explicitly that the United States does a great job of mixing in such people in Silicon Valley—but beyond that, “Multiculturalism will destroy America,” because “large numbers of Mexicans and others from South and Central America will continue to come to the U.S. and spread their culture across the whole of the country,” and they will then “breed faster than the WASPs,” destroying the superior American culture. He also says that Americans came to an “empty continent and made the best of it”—because we “killed the Red Indians and took over the land and the buffaloes.” I don’t think Lee is going to be invited to any American college campuses anytime soon.

There are also worthwhile comments uttered in passing, such as “I think you are a born leader or you are not a leader.” This is God’s truth, but something universally denied by “educators” in America. For years, especially in business school, I had nothing but contempt for the many offered classes that purported to teach leadership (or negotiation, a closely related talent that also cannot be taught). They even pretended they could teach leadership to lawyers, even though a lawyer’s entire training, and the personality of almost all lawyers, is to be risk-averse, to avoid making decisions and let others make those decisions, the very antithesis of leadership. (That’s why law firms where lawyers run the business side are always incompetently run.) Teaching leadership is a total waste of time, and Lee saw that, to his credit.

But none of this is earthshattering, and Lee only incompletely addresses the most critical matter of all for Singapore, its looming population collapse. He accurately notes that “Demography, not destiny, will be the most critical factor for security and growth in the 21st century.” Immigration (of the right types of people only) isn’t enough; “much more active government involvement in encouraging or discouraging procreation may be necessary.” Yes, but Lee, however, totally fails to understand why people in modern societies have stopped having children. In fact, almost all of his talk about children is in the Russian context, not the Singaporean. He primly instructs Vladimir Putin that pessimism is the key Russian problem, and that he needs to “give Russians a hopeful outlook” so they will stop drinking and have children, because, by supposed contrast, “In America, people are optimistic and say I will bring a child into the world,” but in Russia, where prosperity fluctuates with oil prices, they are not optimistic. This is very dumb, and shows how limited Lee is as a thinker. The real reason that every advanced society, and most not advanced societies, in the world have a grossly inadequate number of children is not pessimism about the future, but a direct result of what Lee tried to achieve his whole life—increasing wealth, combined with what seems to necessarily come along with that, increasing selfishness and demands for autonomy, in that people will trade children for toys and pleasure, and closely tied pernicious phenomena, most of all that modern Western society denigrates women as mothers and celebrates them as spinster wine aunts, consumers increasing GDP while buying useless trinkets to fill the shelves of their sad, empty houses. In fact, disproving Lee entirely, the Russian birth rate has rebounded in recent years, from 1.16 to 1.75. Singapore’s has not.

Population, though, is merely the most glaring manifestation of Lee’s blinders. He is a technocrat, and technocracy is completely inadequate as the sole basis for societal flourishing, but he cannot see this. Lee’s goal is “a happy and healthy nation, a society in which people find fulfillment.” But by fulfillment, he means GDP per capita, nothing else. Singapore has no high culture, and that is the way Lee likes it. He rejects any role for using brains to study “the great books, classical texts, and poetry.” Rather, a smart person’s brains must be used only for “capturing and discovering new knowledge, applying himself in research and development, management and marketing, banking and finance, and the myriad of new subjects that need to be mastered.” The only “values” that really matter are “a spirit of innovation and enterprise” that “leads to high productivity.” The limitations of this have now become clear in Singapore—a society that, like many others today, will not exist in a hundred years, having extinguished itself by offering no future, no greatness, to its people.

So I see zero evidence that Singapore’s path is of much use in restructuring our own society. To really answer if this is correct, it would be helpful to have a more in-depth understanding of Singapore. I have a copy of Lee’s memoirs, which might help, but any autobiography is certain to be an incomplete view. But from what I can see, all Singapore’s, and Lee’s, success shows is a man who, lucky in his time and place, took the blessings of Western technology and, combined those with a sub-type of Chinese culture, embodying Lee’s claimed “Asian values,” to create a brief efflorescence, today already past its apogee. A technocracy can only work for a small, fairly homogeneous state where either everyone is intelligent, or where the ruling class is intelligent and the rest of society does not demand unearned rights or interfere in governance. Such is, or was, Singapore. It does not work for a large, heterogeneous state like ours, especially where a long line of insufferable, but well-organized, groups ever more aggressively demands handouts based on their identity without offering any merit in exchange. Asian values may have made Singapore wealthy; they did not make it great, and neither Singapore, nor any other Asian country, has ever been, or likely will be, great, in the sense of remaking and advancing the world, as Europeans did. Sorry, multiculturalists. Venice is a better model for our future. Yes, I’ll take Singapore’s elitism, its industrial policy, and its intolerance of sexual deviancy. But Singapore didn’t invent any of those, and I don’t see what else it has to offer.

14 Comments

• Uncompliant 4 years ago

  Apologies, Charles. I clicked too soon. I wanted to thank you for this review. Interesting stuff about Lee and Singapore. I wonder how many of the factors that are corroding marriage, family and birth rates in the West are present in the social structure of Singapore. Is it just the economic success or do they have similar problem with marriage, women in the workforce, "cost" of a child, cultural factors, loss of sperm motility, etc?.

  I enjoy your reviews and -- KEEP THEM COMING!

  • Charles Uncompliant4 years ago

    Thank you, and I will! (A bit slow this month; other things going on. But that usual signals a flood to come.)

• Uncompliant4 years ago

  You say: "The real reason that every advanced society, and most not advanced societies, in the world have a grossly inadequate number of children is not pessimism about the future, but a direct result of what Lee tried to achieve his whole life—increasing wealth, combined with what seems to necessarily come along with that, increasing selfishness and demands for autonomy, in that people will trade children for toys and pleasure, and closely tied pernicious phenomena, most of all that modern Western society denigrates women as mothers and celebrates them as spinster wine aunts, consumers increasing GDP while buying useless trinkets to fill the shelves of their sad, empty houses."

  I will read your review of Empty Planet, but what you say here seems way too simple. This is an economic/resource explanation suggesting that the rich don't have babies because they are rich. Counter-evidence is found in the fact that birth replacement rates are different within countries. See https://www.fatherly.com/he...

  (Hat tip to Anonymous Conservative for the link).

  Republicans have lots more babies than democrats. I do not think that, in general, democrats are that much more wealthy than republicans to justify the claim that wealth and ease lead to low birth rates.

  The list of reasons is quite long including:

  -no fault divorce
  -alimony and child support enslavement of men (leading to severe disincentives for men to marry)
  -rise of globalhomo, the expansion of "genders" and the promotion of the trans people
  -replacement of the family with the state for various traditional societal functions of the family (for example, the family used to be the main source of education, an individual's economic safety net and old age care and comfort; those functions are now undertaken by the state diminishing the need/value of a family)
  change in the economic "value" of children (who were once important workers on the family farm or business)
  -purposeful atomization of society by extraction capitalism
  -rise of birth control
  -abortion on demand (importantly different than the role of birth control)
  -tidal flows of "white people should not reproduce" propaganda
  -other tidal flows of propaganda such as "babies are too expensive," global warming, "family" is the one you choose, not the one based on blood, etc.
  -the pussification of the male and masculinity (part of the propaganda tidal flows)
  -the tolerance for and economic support by the state of single-motherhood -- this generally removes male influences during the rearing of boys -- another component of destroying the masculine
  -the demise of the male teacher at every level; a particular disaster for boys raised by a single mother; two decades of being raised and indoctrinated by nothing but women; difficult to learn masculinity under those conditions
  -chemicals in the water or the soil or in medication or in the soy or in something -- the loss of sperm motility has one or many causes that no one seems interested in determining
  -cultural factors that favor/disfavor having babies
  -status factors
  -women in the workforce -- this has had numerous affects including (i) "freeing" of women from being dependent on men economically which corrodes another traditional function of marriage and (ii) raising a woman's status which -- per the rules of hypergamy -- reduce the population of "acceptable mates" (she wants to marry "up"; but the higher "up" she gets the fewer males are "up" above) leading to fewer marriages and fewer babies and (iii) less time for babies
  -propaganda encouraging women to be fat and pierced and tatted and otherwise ugly (which leads less men to be interested in putting a baby in that)
  -etc.

  All in all, it is a very impressive, purposeful, sustained and multi-pronged attack on Western marriage and birth rates.

   
  • Uncompliant Uncompliant4 years ago

    Once again, I should read before writing. I see from your excellent review of Empty Planet that Darrell Bricker and John Ibbitson identify many of the factors on my list. Decline in religiosity is an interesting addition to the list. I can see that playing out across several dimensions. Amish vs. TradCath vs. Muslim vs. Mormon vs. Hindu vs. the Church of Social Justice, etc.

    But, in the end, Empty Planet is just part of the tidal flow of propaganda. To quote the quote you quoted: The authors say -- "Small families are, in all sorts of ways, wonderful things." Which is ironic and odd for a book that seems to fear and warn against an empty planet.

• revnow4 years ago

  You should read Mike Ma Harassment Architecture and since you love the great men of history check out Ramesses II.

  • Charles revnow4 years ago

    I've heard of it, and will look closer. As to Ramesses, I have to admit my Egyptian history is pretty slack, but my pretty definite impression is that Egypt was mostly sclerotic and accomplished little or nothing, in the manner of most ancient civilizations. Impressive buildings, now and then, but a purely extractive society making no advances. Not a proto-Western civilization.

    • fokas Charles3 years ago

      It however lasted stably for 2 millenia, which is more to say (at the moment) than the Western civilization.

      That might be a better thing than "advances". Why would advances be needed?

      • Charles fokas3 years ago

        Certainly there is a philosophical question whether we would all be better off at some earlier level of civilization. James C. Scott propounds this in Against the Grain. I just reject that idea. Good advancement is what is necessary for human flourishing. The problem is we have today a combination of bad advancement and regression. Ugh.

• Prism4 years ago

  First off: 'not because it threw open its borders'.

  Technically, it did... Singapore's immigration policy relies on open borders at the top end: investors, techies and such, as well as open borders on the low end: to keep its labour cheap. That is why its population has gone from around 2m in the 60s to 6m today.

  Singapore is a special place, much to admire about it, but its society cannot be replicated, and LKY and the PAP have done an excellent job calibrating the path for its continued survival. It is impossible for the country to be as imperialist as Venice, as chaos would ruin its business model, and no matter how excellent its armed forces, they pale in comparison to the sheer numbers of their historical antagonists: Indonesia and Malaysia. So their model of envisioning their role and sticking to it should be applauded. Not many leaders understand that or are capable of keeping at it for the long-haul.

  Finally, in defence of LKY, I envision a split between doers and thinkers, rarely do the two mesh. How many revolutions did Marx win? How many battles did Clausewitz win? What insights into running a country did T.R or Lincoln write about? When is Bill Gates' self help book dropping? LKY was a doer, but actions do not claim the longevity assigned to ideas. Actions are singular, like doers are.

  • Charles Prism4 years ago

    I suppose I knew the increase in overall immigration in Singapore generally; that's what I mean by not throwing open borders to "parasites." Importing cheap labor was all the rage in the postwar era, including German Gastarbeiter, which didn't work out well. In fact, it doesn't seem to have worked out well anywhere. Regardless, I'm pretty sure that LKY didn't allow unskilled laborers to come to Singapore and become public charges, so his immigration policy is not at all that pushed to us today in the United States or in Europe.

    My point isn't that LKY didn't do a good job with what he was given; more that he showed no special magic, merely firm application of long-known principles of governance not often used in the modern world. Thus, I agree LKY was a doer, and that was to his credit; there was no need, and is no need, for grand new thinkers in political philosophy. But that gives us no new insights, and, as you say, Singapore's experience is not applicable more broadly.

• Jaspreet4 years ago

  First-class! This is a VERY important read for those of us inclined to overestimate LKY because we like the cut of his jib.

  In the 1990s LKY was a hero to some of us (at my school anyway). You might remember something about Singapore from those months immediately preceding the OJ case in 1994. Some punk named Michael Fay was sentenced to six lashes for vandalism and joyriding and there was an international outcry about the 'inhumanity' of subjecting an American teenager to the sort of punishment that was surely standard for teenagers, American and otherwise, within living memory, for much lesser transgressions. Bill Clinton got this punk's sentence reduced from six lashes to four.

  Of course, at school this was the funniest thing anybody had ever heard because corporal punishment wasn't exactly a thing of the distant past, and six lashes for stealing and vandalising cars was tantamount to being asked to go on afternoon rubbish-pickup duty for committing a murder. You'd have to have a VERY dirty conscience to get worked up about this sort of thing -- I knew that even as a snotty, entitled 13-year-old who would have probably LOVED to steal a car and go on a vandalising spree during a joyride if given half a chance. In fact it sounds like fun to me now too. Especially if the only disincentive is a small fine and a couple of thwacks with a switch....

  Interesting to note that those of us who praise him rarely point to concrete policies or administrative decisions. Just hilarious un-PC quotations that make him sound like Asia's answer to Prince Philip.

  • Charles Jaspreet4 years ago

    Thank you! Yes, I remember Fay; apparently he's a casino manager in Ohio now, or something. I owe you some other responses, too . . . .

• Curt4 years ago

  Great review. I too agree that this particular book is not the best in capturing Lee's thoughts, but more importantly it doesn't capture the actual policies the PAP used to build Singapore. You are also correct in hinting at the fact that Singapore hasn't had to go through a cycle of affluence->decline, and thus the particular social engineering the PAP has used hasn't been fully tested under stressors.
  About the multi-cultural issues of Singapore - in addition to much social engineering, it has also been tamped down by a surveillance state (which has been possible in a city-state for a while now). Multi-kulti necessitates a surveillance state. If you don't like that, then better find a way to assimilate most of the population into a single Stoic Values culture (Christianity).

  Regarding the demography issue - population growth is not an axiomatic positive. In many cases, population growth can retard technological advance (India's entire history has been this). It is important to also clarify what kinds of population growth. And in a technological environment where much work can be done efficiently with machines, this can create much surplus population (pets). China's One Child Policy is not a disaster. You are just looking at the issue from the wrong perspective.

  • Charles Curt4 years ago

    Thank you, and your insights I particularly value, given your focuses. Your point about assimilation (which you have expanded on elsewhere) is also very valuable; it is something that I've been pondering for a while, in essence how can a heterogeneous society be brought together to act more homogeneous, in a practical way, and your solution seems to me the only practical one.

    Well, yes, not an axiomatic positive. I went into this in more detail in Empty Planet, but didn't cover some items. Thinking about it, my axioms go something like this:

    1) A bigger population is not necessarily better than a smaller one, if you are in the Malthusian Trap. This is obvious, of course.

    2) A society not in the Malthusian Trap, such as China, is therefore not automatically better bigger rather than smaller, as you say. It depends on its culture and the abilities of its people.

    3) But a population, of any size, tilted toward old people rather than young people, is always going to be a loser civilization, whether or not in the Malthusian Trap, and regardless of its culture and the abilities of its people. This is why the one-child policy is a disaster; it precluded any chance (which was low to begin with) for China to become the new West.

    4) Therefore, success requires both a good/virtuous society and culture, and abilities among the people, and a significant proportion of young people.

    5) The only way to get that, though, in the modern world, is to have a growing population (if you're not going to pull a Logan's Run).

    6) Therefore, in the modern West, we both need to recover virtue and to have our populations grow, or our societies will be both worthless and sclerotic, which is where we are now.